“Varthamanappusthakam” (1785) is the first travelogue written in an Indian language. The narrative of “Varthamanappusthakam “ begins with the death of Florence, Vicar Apostolic of Malabar in 1773. It elaborates all that happened after the death of Florence including the journey of Malpan Cariattil and Cathanar Paremmakkal to Europe with the events connected with it and ends with their return journey until they sighted the island of Ceylon. Dr. Placid J Podipara CMI translated this book into English and it is published by Pontifical Oriental Institute of Rome in 1971.

About the Author

Cathanar Thomman Paremmakkal was born on September 10, 1736 Kadanad in the present Syro Malabar eparchy of Palai. He was ordained as a priest in 1761 and was the pastor of a few churches including his native church at Kadanad. He was well versed in Malayalam, Syriac, Latin, Sanskrit, Italian and Portuguese. He also authored a number of books including the translation of the book entitled ‘Imitation of Christ’ into Malayalam.

Cathanar Thomman Paremmakkal returned from Goa as the Governador or the Administrator of vacant See of Cranganore. He could not do anything officially for the reunion with Mar Thomas VI as the faculties were given to Mar Cariattil.

Up on return, Paremmakkal resided at Angamali. In 1787, the representatives of all churches assembled at Angamali and executed the famous Padiyola. All their grievances beginning from the death of Mar Abraham ( 1599) is addressed in Padiyola. They asked the Queen of Portugal to nominate Paremakkal as the archbishop, and in case the Queen did not agree, they decided to re course to Chaldean Patriarch. In due course, the Carmelities got assurance from Portugal through Rome that Paremmakkal would not be made archbishop.

Tippu Sultan’s invasion caused Paremakkal to shift his residence and administration of the Church to Vadayar near Palai in 1790. He moved to Ramapuram towards the end of his life and administrated the Church from there. He died at Ramapuram on March 20^th 1799.

On March 26 1936, the body was exhumed and the remains were taken out and deposited in the wall of the sanctuary of old church at Ramapuram.

Background

After the Coonan Cross Oath, the Saint Thomas Christians were divided in to two groups one under the Archdeacon and the other with Rome.

Among the Catholics, the Carmelite delegate in 1663 consecrated Alexander Parampil ( Chandy Pallivettil) as Vicar Apostolic of Cranganore and Malabar under the Propaganda for those who were reluctant to be under the Padraoado Cranganore ( Jesuits ). No native was appointed as his successor and was followed by Carmelities. The Malabar Catholics had several complaints about the ‘Propaganda’ authorities who were all Carmelities. They alleged that their priests were treated so badly that even one was killed at the instigation of the Vicar Apostolic.

Those under the Archdeacon were ruled by the successors of Mar Thomas I. The Vicar Apostolic Francis Sales was not favorable to the re union of Mar Thomas VI ( known as Mar Dionysius I).

Contents

After many deliberations at different places, the Malabar Church assembly resolved to send a delegation to Rome. The delegation included Malpan Joseph Cariattil and Cathanar Thomman Paremmakkal. They were authorized to do anything appropriate for the good of the Malabar Church. The main concerns were reunion with Mar Thomas VI and matters concerning the Arch diocese of Crangangore which had remained vacant. Two boys were also sent with them to be admitted to the Propaganda College, Rome. The journey started from the boat jetty at Athirampuzha in 1785. The delegates, the two boys and several others traveled through land visiting Periamala and Chinnamala, and finally in search of a ship in any of the ports at Coramondal Coast. Only Malpan Joseph Cariattil, Cathanar Thomman Paremmakkal and the two boys were permitted to go. They took a Portuguese ship at Chinnapattanam near Madras. Rounding the Cape of Good Hope, they reached Benguela on the other side of Africa. Then they went to Bahia in Brazil. From Bahia, they reached Lisbon in Portugal, where they submitted their petition to the Queen of Portugal. Then they went to Genova and from there, to Rome. Their journey to the destination took more than a year.
They submitted to the Pope in person: the profession of faith of Mar Thoma VI, and his petition, and their own petition.There were many enemies who were mighty and powerful. The Propaganda Congregation, which took up the question of Mar Thoma VI was deadly against them. However, the Portuguese government took an interest in the matter. The Propaganda Congregation at the instance of Pope, made enquiries about Mar Thoma VI. While in Rome, both of them were able to revoke the nomination of Carmelitie John as the Vicar Apostolic of Malabar in place of Francis Sales, who was advised to resign in 1779.

Cariattil and Paremmakkal returned to Lisbon from Rome. In Lisbon, Cariattil was nominated and consecrated as the Archbishop of Cranganore in 1783. The enemies and difficulties only increased after this. Both of them returned to Malabar with faculties issued by Propaganda to receive Mar Thoma VI. On further enquiries and reports, the Propaganda agreed to recognize Mar Thoma VI as Bishop.

On their way back home, they stayed in Goa where Mar Cariattil died. Before his death, Mar Cariattil appointed Thoma Cathanar as the Governador (governor) after him.

Introduction

The Introduction is written by Dr. Placid J Podipara. It contains sections for history, the authors, the book, the vicissitudes of the book ( Pandari & Sankurikkel, Propagadna titular archbishop, Verapoly and two other vicariates, Berandine and Roccos, Synod and Condemnation, Leonard and Mellos, New Arrangements, Indigenous prelates), translation, Mar Thomas VI and his Church.

The history section include subsections for 1.Home and Habitat 2. Early History 3. Liturgy 4.Hierarchey 5. Gate of All India 6. Administration 7.Privilages 8. The Portuguese 9.Bishops- Goan Councils 10.Mar Abraham’s last days 11.The Archdeacon 12. Dom Menezis in Malabar 13.Diamper 14.Latin rule : Padroado 15: All India: abolished 16: Jesuit role 17: Ahatallah: Coonan Cross Oath 18: Carmelite Commissaries 19: Mar Alexander: Jacobitism 20: Raphel : Carmelities 21: Carmelities: Propaganda: Mar Simon 22: Padroado and Propaganda 23: Mar Gabriel 24: Prelates and residences 25: Kingdom of Travancore 26: Troubles under Propaganda 27: Msgr.Sales 28: Mar Thomas VI and Cariattil 29: Cariattil in Rome 30:  John and Carlo 31; Cariattil:Archbishop.

Authors Preface

Chapters

I. On what happened at Verapoly after the death of Msgr. Florence. bishop of Areopolis
II. That by virtue of the invitation of the churches assembled at Alangat all the churches of Malabar assembled at Angamale
III. On what happened after the assembly at Angamale had begun the deliberations
IV. The church assembly of Edappalli takes its complaints to the representatives of the churches assembled at Angamale
V. On what happened after the Padres had arrived at Angamale
VI. On what happened at Angamale after the Padres handed over the Padiola to the representatives of the churches and before the assembled took leave of each other.
VII. On what happened at Angamale after the blessing and the banquet ..
VIII. On what happened after Francis Sales. bishop of Germnicia had arrived as Vicar Ap. of Malabar
IX. On what happened after the bishop was made to stay at Alangat
X. On what happened after the civil authority had heard of the solemn conducting of the bishop from Verapoly to Alangat
XI. That bishop Mar Thomas of Niranam wrote a letter to Alangat to bishop Sales
XII. On what happened after Malpan Cariattil had approached bishop Mar Thomas
XIII. On the return of bishop Sales to Verapoly from Alangat and on what happened in consequence
XIV. ……………………
XV. ……………
XVI. ………………
XVII. ………………..
XVIII. On Udayagiri and what happened after reaching it.
XIX. On Thuthukkuti and on what happened there .
XX. On what happened after we had arrived at the house of the Kuppayakkaran Parunki
XXI. On what happened after our arrival at Tharankanpati
XXII. On what happened after our departure from Tharankanpati ….
XXIII. On our journey to Periamala and Chinnamala after the meeting with the bishop at Mylapore and on other things
XXIV. On the ship and on the efforts we made to embark ….
XXV. On what happened afterwards until we embarked …
XXVI. On what happened after we had embarked….
XXVII.On Benguela and on what happened to us there
XXVIII.On Bahia and what happened there
XXIX. On what happened after the archbishop had received us
XXX. On the city of Lisbon and on the administration of the king
XXXI. On Padre Cajetan and on what he did for us
XXXII.On what happened after this ….
XXXIII.The original wording of the petition the Malpan Cariattil and Cathanar Thomman Paremmakkal submitted to the queen of Portugal in August the year 1779 after the birth of the Lord of the world
XXXIV.The reasons why the six points mentioned above were included in the petition
XXXV.On what happened after we had prepared the petition
XXXVI.On what happened at Quellus after we had gone there to see the queen
XXXVII.On the arguments that we added to the petition .
XXXVIII.On what happened after Padre Cajetan had been informed that we had submitted the petition
XXXIX.On what happened in Genoa after we had reached Genoa by the grace of God
XL. On the city of Genoa and on the letter of Padre John of St. Margaret
XLI. On how Padre John of St. Margaret went to Rome and became the Vicar Apostolic
XLII. The letter Padre John wrote to us – a true translation
XLIII. On our Journey from Genoa and on what happened on the way
XLIV. On what happened after we had reached the town Livorno
XLV. On what happened after our departure from Pisa
XLVI. On what happened after we had spoken with the Cardinal
XLVII.On what happened when we were in Sant Antonio and on our going to the Propaganda to live there and on our petition to the Pope …..
XLVIII.On what happened after we had prepared the petitions that were to be submitted to the Pope…
XLIX. That letters were received from Portugal in consequence of the reports concerning our experiences in Home
L.On what happened after Padre John of St. Margaret had reached Genoa and how he was impeded from proceeding to Malabar
LI.On how Cardmna1 Antonelli the new Prefect of the Propaganda concluded our affair….
LII. On what happened after the Cardinal had given the final decision about our case..
LIII. On the Propaganda…
LIV. On how we left Rome after taking leave of Cardinal Antonelli, the Pope and those to whom we were indebted
LV. On what happened after we had left Rome
LVI. Starting from the city of Ancona we reached Genoa: on what happened thereafter . ..
LVII. That after we had been at Madoneta we left Genoa; on what happened after we reached Cadiz by ship from Genoa
LVIII. That we reached Tavira from Cadiz and Lisbon front Tavira
LIX. On what happened after we had reached the shipbuilding yard called Arsenan
LX. On what Padre Cajetan did at the end of what has been mentioned above
LXI. On what happened to our affairs while the above mentioned events were taking place
LXII. On what happened after the Malpan had spoken with the Viscount
LXIII. On what happened after Padre Cajetan had known we were managing our affairs ourselves and on the direction our affairs were taking
LXIV. That the Malpan was nominated archbishop and on what happened after this
LXV. On how the archbishop went and expressed thanks to the queen, to the king and to the ministers
LXVI. That our friend Mesquita visited the archbishop the next day and that the archbishop going with him to visit the Viscount a second time removed all the obstacles created by Padre Cajetan, and on what happened after this…
LXVII.That the archbishop went to the Internuncio and underwent the scrutiny; and on what happened after this
LXVIII.On what happened after the scrutiny at the house of the Internuncio had been concluded
LXIX. On what happened until the arrival of the credentials from Rome: that the credentials were given to the archbishop
LXX. On the consecration of our archbishop and on what happened after that
LXXI. On what happened during our stay in Lisbon which was caused by the jealousy of the minister mentioned above
LXXII. On what Padre Joseph de Soledade, the bishop of Cochin and the missionaries who work in Malabar wrote about us.
LXXIII. On what happened to our cause after the adverse reports of the bishop of Cochin and of the missionaries had arrived
LXXIV. On what happened after this regarding the case of Mar Thomas….
LXXV. On what the minister mentioned above did afterwards and on what followed
LXXVI. That after having made all the preparations we took leave of the queen and of the others, and what happened afterwards
LXXVII. On what happened after we had left Lisbon by ship
LXXVIII. On what happened after we had reached this house

About the Book

The book as it stands is incomplete. The MS doesn’t contain many of the documents which the Author mentions as included in the Appendix. But these documents have come to us through other sources. Chapters XIV, XV,XVI and a good part of Chapter XVII are lost.The Author mostly uses the term ‘Malankara’ in Varthamanappusthakam to represent Catholics of those times. It has been rendered in translation as “Malabar”. Both “ Malankara” and “Malabar” stands for the same region. In today’s ecclesiastic language “ Malankara” denote the West Syriac rite of the “Malankra Orthodox”, “Malankara Jacobite”, “Malankara Mar Thoma” and “Syro Malankra”. The “ Malabar” denote the East Syriac rite of the “ Syro Malabar Church”.

The Varthamanappusthakam was widely read in Malabar. During the troubled times between 1861 and 1865 it was proposed to read a chapter of Varthamanappusthakam, every Sunday after the Holy Qurbana. Three Carmelite vicars, in a synod held at Verapoly in 1862, condemned the Varthamanappusthakam. The reading was forbidden and a circular was issued. The Roman Archives has a communication from Carmelities which demands banning the book. On the front page of an MS kept at Carmelite monastery, it is called as “Forbidden Book”.

The original MS of the book were kept by Parayil Tharakans. During the regime of indigenous prelates the Varthamanappusthakam has began to make public appearances gradually.

Cathanar Joseph Parapilly, vicar of Kumpalam copied it from the original MS between 1898-1900. In 1902 a copy was made from the original then kept at CMI house, Chethipuzha. The Latin and Italian documents were copied by Cathanar Thomas Kurialacherry. Another copy was made in 1903 at Athirampuzha by Cathanar Mathai Paremakkel.

It was published in 1936 by Saint Mary’s press Athirampuzha based on the Athirampuzha MS by Luka Mathai Plathottathil. Before this, certain portions were published in papers and magazines. The first five chapters were included as the syllabus of MA ( Master of Arts) degree examination of Kerala University. These Chapters were published separately by National Book Stall, Kottayam.

In 2000, Parayil Tharakans, the custodians of original manuscript handed over the MS to the newly set up Museum at Saint Thomas Mount, Ernakulam.

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Author can be reached on admin at nasrani dot net
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• ‘Origin of Christianity in India’ by Dr.Benedict Vadakkekara
• Focus I- Ramapuram twin churches, Role, History & Rituals
• ‘The Thomas Christians’ by Placid Podipara
• ‘The Nazranies’ by Prof. George Menanchery
• Population Statistics and Demography of Saint Thomas Christians, Churches with historical references
• ‘Jornada of Dom Alexis de Menezes: A Portuguese account of the Sixteenth century Malabar’ edited by Dr. Pius Malekandathil
• ‘The Indian Christians of St. Thomas’ by Dr. Leslie Brown

Joseph, the Indian is a famous character in the History of Medieval India. He was a Christian priest from Malabar who had travelled to Mesopotamia, Europe, visited the Holy Patriarch of the East and ordained as a Priest by Him, and also visited the Holy Patriarch of the Western Church- the Pope of Rome and declared the identity and ecclesiology of the St Thomas’ Christians to western Christianity. Joseph was interviewed by the Signoria of Venice and his accounts were written by an unknown European and have been published as 25 editions in seven different European languages. These accounts are considered as jewels in the history of that time period.

The narrations of Joseph, the Indian throw light into the history of St Thomas’ Christians in the immediate pre-Portuguese period. The pre-Portuguese history of St Thomas Christians is not well documented. Many accounts have been found from various writings; letters of Patriarchs and Prelates, inscriptions and oral accounts. Many books have been written about the history of early Christianity in Kerala in 16th and 17th centuries but all of them are Western in origin. The narrations of Joseph are the only available account from a native source who was a Prominent Priest at the period and hence these accounts are historically very significant.

Many authors have cited the narrations of Joseph, the Indian in their books. Rev. Fr Antony Vallavanthara C. M. I. has done a very unique research on narrations of Joseph, the Indian and their original publications. He has traced all the available texts and versions of narrations and has conducted a critical study about its contents, the authorship, and the original text and published a book “India in 1500 A D, The narrations of Joseph, the Indian.” published by Gorgias Press, USA. He has presented the initial sources of the narrations in Italian, Latin and Dutch with English translations in the book with his detailed analysis.

2.THE HISTORICAL JOSEPH THE INDIAN

We see Joseph in a number of different occasions in history. Authors like Germann and Mathias Mundadan have identified and connected the different citations about Joseph from different sources with logical arguments and made the story complete.

2a.Joseph’s first jouney to Babylon in AD 1490

Joseph was a member of the delegation of St Thomas’ Christians who went to the Patriarch of Babylon to bring Bishops for Malabar. St Thomas’ Christians did not have Native Bishops, for unknown reasons. They depended on the Church of the East for Prelates. There are periods where there were no prelates in Malabar. One such period was the time just before the arrival of Portuguese. ^[1]

There are hints in the writings of Francisco Dionysio, the rector of the Jesuit College in Cochin, in 1578 that St Thomas’ Christians did not have any Prelates for about 40 years due to some differences among them and when they settled their differences, they sent delegates to Babylon to fetch Bishops in 1490. Joseph was among one of the three delegates who travelled to meet Mar Simeon, the Patriarch of Babylon (1437-1497).One delegate died on the way but Joseph and George arrived there safely. Both of them were ordained Priests by Mar Simeon at the Holy Church of St George at Gazerta. They were then sent to a Monastery of Blessed Eugenius where they found two monks with the same name, Rabban Joseph and the Catholicose Patriarch consecrated them as Bishops – Mar Thomas and Mar John for Malabar. Cathanaars Joseph and George returned with Mar Thomas and Mar John back to Malabar.^[2]
The reception given to the Bishops and the delegation by the Saint Thomas’ Christians was reported by Schurhammer.

“When these same four came there with the help of Christ ,our Lord, they were received by the faithful with great joy, who carried before them, the book of the gospel, the cross, censors, and torches and they introduced them to the Christians with much pomp and with chanting of psalms and hymns. And they, the Bishops consecrated altars, and ordained very many priests, for the people had been without fathers for a long time”.^[3]

2b Joseph’s second journey to Babylon in AD 1492

Joseph travelled to Babylon again in AD 1492 accompanying Mar Thomas to submit the offerings of the Saint Thomas Christians to the Patriarch. This is reported by Germann. ^[4]

That means, Mar John stayed in Malabar and Mar Thomas returned. This second journey is mentioned in the Narrations of Joseph, the Indian also. Joseph’s narrations to Venetians as reported by Paesi tell us that “The said Joseph related that he had departed from the said town of Cranganore with a Bishop, his superior. Ascending a ship, he went towards the island of Ormus. From there he proceeded to the mainland where he stayed for three months and with the said Bishop, he went as far as Armenia to meet his Pontiff. By Him, this Bishop was consecrated and the said Joseph was ordained a Priest”.[^[5]

This second journey is mentioned by Fr H Hosten S J who states that Mar Thomas returned with first fruits and a slave.^[6] Mackenzie says Mar Thomas with Joseph returned to the Patriarch taking first fruits and offerings.^[7] Assemani states that the onward journey to Babylon was in 1492 and Joseph returned in 1493 without quoting any authoritative references.^[8]

2c. Joseph’s travel to Portugal

In AD 1500, The King of Portugal sent a fleet of 12 ships under the leadership of Pedro Alvares Cabral to Malabar. They arrived in Calicut on 13th of September with only seven ships arriving, the rest lost on the way. Cabral had disputes in Calicut with the Arab traders and Samorin, hence moving to Cranganore where the King of Cochin received Cabral “very kindly” (as per Narratives of Joseph the Indian). At Cochin, Joseph and his brother mathias, both priests approached Cabral with an intention to go to Portugal, Rome, Jerusalem and Babylon. They sailed to Portugal on 10 January 1501 as reported in “Anonymous Narrative”, a book written by an unknown Pilot in the fleet of Portuguese navigator Pedro Alvares Cabral.^[9] “Anonymous Narratives” reports that : “and thus we were 12 or 15 days loading the ships in a distance from Cochin at a place called crangallo. In this place, there are Christians…..and from there, two other Christians came with us. They said, they wished to go to Rome and Jerusalem. The captain had great pleasure with these two men”.^[10].
Joseph and his brother Mathias travelled with Cabral to Portugal. De Barros describes this in his book “Da Primeira Decada”, as quoted by Mathias Mundadan in his work “St. Thomas Christians 1498- 1552” clearly indicates that two brothers Joseph and Mathias, who had been educated by the Armenian Bishop who resided there. De Barrows wrote that they wanted to go with Cabral to Portugal and Rome and from there to Jerusalem and Armenia to see their Patriarch.^[11].
Mathias died on the way. All the three versions (Italian, Latin and Dutch) of the Narrations of Joseph the Indian confirm that Mathias died on the way and Joseph lived. Faria y Sousa reports that one of them died and the other returned.^[12]
Barros and Gouvea reports that Mathias died in Portugal. A letter dated 1505 from the King of Portugal (Dom Manuel) to the King of Castile, giving an account of the voyages of 1500-1505, mentions two Christian priests who, with the permission of their prelate, had come from India to visit Rome and Jerusalem.^[13].
That means Joseph and Mathias arrived in Lisbon and Mathias died in Lisbon. All the three texts of narratives of Joseph agree that Joseph arrived in Lisbon in June but “Anonymous Narrative” says July. The two letters known to us dated 27th June 1501 and the other of Giovanni Affaidati dated 26th June 1501, both written from Lisbon, mention the return of Cabral’s ships and hence, they might have arrived earlier than 26th June, 1501.^[14]
According to the Latin text, Joseph was received by the King of Portugal and Novus Orbis conforms that the King received him with honour. The Italian text confirms that Joseph stayed in Lisbon until January 1502.^[15]

2d. Joseph’s journey to Rome.

Joseph stayed in Lisbon until January 1502 before travelling to Rome according to the Italian text of the narrations of Joseph.. He may have learnt some Portuguese within these six months. The Italian text also confirms that the King of Portugal arranged a companion for Joseph to Rome and from there they arrived in Venice in June 1502.^[16]
It was in Venice that he was interviewed by the unknown author of the narrations of Joseph, the Indian. He was presented to the Signoria of Venice. Dutch and Latin texts confirm that from Rome and Venice, Joseph returned to Lisbon, but the Italian text is silent about this. ^[17]

2e. Joseph’s visitation of Pope Alexander VI.

In the narrations of Joseph, he confirms that he had an audience with Pope Alexander VI. Joseph informed the Pope about the Christians of Malabar, their ecclesial system, hierarchy and so forth. He also talks about the East Syriac Catholicose Patriarch of Mosul and his right of appointing Bishops to Malabar

2f. Joseph’s third journey to Jerusalem and Babylon in AD 1503.

All the texts of “Narrations of Joseph” and the “Anonymous Narratives” talk about Joseph’s plan to visit Rome and Jerusalem. The Italian text confirms when it mentions about the companion deputed by the King of Portugal that he will accompany Joseph to Rome, Venice and Jerusalem. But none of the texts give any details of this last part of his itinerary.
Germann argues that Joseph went to Babylon and visited the Catholicose Patriarch in AD 1503 and he was instrumental in return of Mar Thomas back to Malabar in AD 1503.^[18]
In 1503, the successor of Mar Simeon, Mar Elias, the Catholicos Patriarch consecrated three Bishops from the Monastery of St Eugene- Rabban David as Mar Jaballaha, Rabban George as Mar Denha, Rabban Masud as Mar Jacob. Mar Elias sent these three new Bishops together with Mar Thomas to the lands of the Indians, and to the islands of the seas, which are within Dabag, and to Sin and Masin- Java, China and Maha china- Great China.^[19] Remember, Joseph brought Mar John and Mar Thomas to Malabar from Babylon in AD 1490.
The next year, AD 1504, they sent a historic letter in Syriac to Mar Elias, the Catholicose Patriarch of Babylon, describing about the Christians of Malabar, the vast regions in India and announce the arrival of Portuguese in India.^[20]
Germann quotes Assemani to suggest that it was Joseph who prompted the Catholicose Patriarch to send Mar Thomas back to Malabar with the other three Bishops; however, there are no authoritative references.

2f. Joseph returns to India.

We do not know when Joseph returned to India. As we have already discussed, Schurhammer and Mathias Mundadan argues that Joseph came back to Kerala and became the chief priest at Cranganore in light of the testimony of Panteado in AD1518: “As soon as the priest who returned from Portugal, returned from his pilgrimage to Sao Tome- Mylappore - he scandalised with me…”^[21] .

Therefore, we have to assume that Joseph returned to Malabar before AD 1518.

3. JOSEPH AS A WITNESS ON TRADITIONS OF ST THOMAS CHRISTIANS.

Narrations of Joseph, the Indian throw light onto the traditions of the Thomas Christians of Malabar in the medieval period. As there are not many documents available about the traditions of St Thomas Christians before the arrival of Portuguese, Joseph’s witnesses are very important. Very many authors have used Joseph’s witness in their books.

The first account published about Joseph and his journey was in “Anonymous Narrative” written by a pilot in the fleet of Pedro Alvares Cabral, the Portuguese navigator who took Joseph to Portugal.^[22]

“Anonymous Narratives” and “Narrations of Joseph, the Indian” are contemporary publications about Joseph.

The first published source of Joseph’s narrations is in Italian, from Vincentia- “Paesi Nouamente Retroudati” in AD 1507. There are seventeen editions of the narrations published from this source alone, in Italian, French, German, Dutch, Portuguese and English languages.

The second was in Latin called “ItinerariumPortugallensium e Lucilania in Indiam inde in occidentem ac demum ad aquilonem” came out in AD 1508 from Milan in Italy. The contents of Itinerarium were republished in AD 1532 as “Novus orbis Regionum ac Insularum” from Basel in Switzerland and from this, various different editions came out. There are seven editions from this source, in Latin, German and Dutch.

The third source is in Dutch language came out in AD 1706 as a booklet “Sonderlinge Reysen van Joseph den geboornen Indiaan” in a work called “Naaukereurige Versameling der Gedenk-waardigste Zee Land Reysen Na Oost en West Indien”. The booklet reported that it was a translation from Portuguese language for the first time.This shows that there was a Portuguese source. We presume that Joseph might have learned some Portuguese language during his stay in Portugal for at least six months and that he had a companion from Portugal. Hence, this edition is very important as it may be the most reliable source. Also, Fr Antony argues that the Italian source has a lot of Portuguese influence in the language and hence the original text might have been in Portuguese.

The fourth source is a collection of chronicles called “Fasciculus temporum” which contains narrations of Joseph, the Indian as an appendix. This source has been cited by authors like Gouvea, Germann and Nagam Aiyya.

3a. Joseph as the leader of St Thomas Christians

We see Joseph as one of the members of the St Thomas Christian delegation visiting the Patriarch of Babylon in 1490 to get priests and bishops to Malabar church. This was reported clearly in the letters of the four East Syriac Bishops to the Patriarch.

“In the year of Alexander 1801-AD 1490, there came three trustworthy Christian men from the remote regions of India to Mar Simeon, the Catholic Patriarch of the orient, to ask for Fathers -ahabata- and take them with them. One of them died on the way according to the will of the creator. The two others came safely to the Mar Catholicose who was then living in the town Gazarta Bet Zabdai and they were received by him with the greatest joy. One of them was called George and the other Joseph. Both of them were ordained priests in the holy church of St George in Gazarta by the Mar Catholicos. For, they were fairly educated”.^[23]

Authors like Schuhammer, Germann and Mundadan argue that the Joseph who was ordained by the Catholicose was the same Joseph, the Indian Priest who went to Europe with Cabral to meet the Pope. Germann also reports that Joseph visited Babylon again in 1492 with Bishop Mar Thoma (Mar Yohannan stayed in Malabar) to meet the Catholicos and give the offerings to him.^[24]

3b. Joseph as a statesman declaring the religio cultural identity of St Thomas Christians.

The most famous of these three witnesses of Joseph is his visitation to Europe in AD 1501 with Cabral and audience to Pope of Rome and narrating the religio socio cultural aspects of Malabar to the Venetians who reported these narrations and published in various European languages. Joseph must be the first St Thomas Christian visiting Europe. He used that opportunity well by declaring his religio cultural identity to the Europeans.

During his visitation to Pope Alexander VI, Joseph declared that Church in the East is governed by the Catholicos Patriarch at Babylon and his right of appointing Bishops to Malabar. When Joseph was asked about the authority to the Catholicose Patriarch, Joseph clarified that when St Peter, who was the Bishop of Antioch, had to move to Rome, he left a Vicar at Antioch. It is from him, the Catholicos get the authority to govern the Church in the East.

3c. Joseph as a fierce fighter to preserve the rite and jurisdiction of St Thomas Christians.

We see Joseph again in AD 1518 in Cranganore arguing with the Portuguese Missionary Alvares Panteado to keep the rite and traditions of St Thomas Christians and raising the famous argument- Mar Thomayude Maargavum Vzhipadum- the way and lineage of St Thomas. Panteado wrote in AD 1518 “As soon as the Priest, who returned from Portugal returned from Sao Tome, he was scandalises with me and asked me what I wanted. I said you should conform to Rome”.^[25]

It seems clear that Panteado was talking about the priest who had been to Portugal and is based in Cranganore. Schurhammer in his article “Three Letters of Mar Jacob, Bishop of Malabar” asks affirmatively when he talks about Joseph, the Indian, “is he not the parish priest of Cranganore who returned from Portugal”?^[26]

Mundadan also confirms the chief Priest of Cranganore mentioned here seems to be Joseph, the Indian who had been to Portugal.^[27]

Mundadan also comments Joseph the Indian, whose mission to Babylon in AD 1490 and his trip with Cabral to Portugal and Venice, was no doubt an important man in the community and he was the priest and the rector of the of the main church of Cranganore.^[28]

4. THE STORY NARRATED BY JOSEPH

The author of the narrations observes Joseph as a man of about forty years of age and dark coloured, medium size. An ingenious man of high integrity, truthful, an exemplary man with very great faith. He was a man of whom we will never be sorry to have made acquaintance. Joseph talked about a range of subjects from Christianity in Malabar with its ancient traditions and customs, socio economic cultural life of Malabar, especially the rites and rituals of Hindus and Christians, political scenario, agriculture, trade and economics, Sociology, theology, astronomy, animals, plants, a detailed explanation about coconut trees, its uses, wine and sugar making from coconut and more.

5. AFFAIRS OF SAINT THOMAS’ CHRSTIANS IN THE EARLY SIXTEENTH CENTURY

5a. Churches or Houses.

Joseph comments that the Christians take their houses for a certain price from the gentile king and pay annual rent.^[29] By house, Joseph may have been talking about the house of worship. We can see this word in many ancient writings; House of St Thomas at Mailappore for example. Joseph may have been talking about the annual property tax. We know many Kings have waived the annual tax for the churches.

The houses of Christians are made of wooden walls. In fact, the temples of Christians are made like ours (European) except that they have only a cross in the church. On the top of the church also, there is a cross. Latin text clearly says no statues of saints in the church. On the foundation, there is a big cross. This may be the open air granite cross found in Kerala churches.

Duarte Barbosa and Antonio de Gouvea also report this. “They say mass on altars like ours with a cross in front of them.”^[30]

“And the old ones were all built like the temples of the gentiles, but all full of crosses like those of the miracle of St Thome, which they call Cross of Saint Thomas.”^[31]

Gouvea also reports about the open air granite crosses. “and no one can but see crosses in the whole of Malabar, even if it is in the most out of the way roads, which does not have its foot very well done, and inside it a place for the lamp which it lit throughout the night, having the care to provide it with oil, not less the Christians than the gentiles, which is not found in any other part of India, and much less in Europe”.^[32]

Rev. Dr Pius Malekandathil observes that there were two types of crosses venerated among the St Thomas Christians; one constructed outside the church, but in front of it along the wayside, very often with arrangements for lighting lamps (vilakkumadams) and the second type, inside the church, with Pahlavi inscriptions which, as Gouvea refers to as St Thomas Crosses.^[33]

Joseph also confirmed that the bells are not in use in the Christian churches. When they want to call the people for worship, they use the rite of the Greeks. It is not clear what the rite of the Greeks is? Before bells were popularised in Europe, Semantron was used by Greeks to call people to church. Semantrone is long piece of timber of iron which is beated to make sound.^[34]

Aloysius Cadamustus, a Venetian traveller who started his tour from Europe in 1493, visited Calicut and reported that the city was inhabited by Indian Christians and he saw churches with bells.^[35]

5b. About the Clergy.

Joseph clearly mentions that the Christians of Malabar had priests, deacons and subdeacons. Italian-diaconi et subdiaconi, L-levitas and hypodiaconas, D-leviten en onderhelpers.^[36]

The priests do not have tonsure. They kept hair at the top of the head. Malabar priests used to retain a tuft of hair on the head as did the Nampoothiris- the Hindu priests. Christian priests used to keep a cross on this tuft of hair.^[37]

“The priests keep conjugal chastity that is after the death of the first wife, they do not marry another. But later, under the influence of the Portuguese, celibacy came into use.” Vallavanthara also quotes Fr Dionysio “A few years ago, the priests were married. Now, all keep celibacy, and if someone gets married, he remains suspended”.^[38]

5c.Monasteries and Nunneries

Joseph also mentions that they had hermitages with monks dressed in black clothes, who live in chastity, and also nuns. This doesn’t mean that the priests were celibate. The Italian text uses the same word for monks and priests but the Latin text uses different words- continentissime for monks and catissime for cathanaars.Fr Vallavanthara quotes Goes “They had monasteries of monks, who wear black dress. There are nuns too. Both monks and nuns live in great observance of honesty, chastity and poverty.”^[39]

Carmelite Missionary Paulinose wrote that there were monasteries for men under the Nestorian Patriarch at Kuravilangadu, Edappalli, Angamali and Mylappore. These monks were the spiritual leaders of the St Thomas’ Christians.^[40]

Osorius, a Catholic writer, who wrote about the Thomas Christians at the time of Emmanuel , King of Portugal that “there are among them, fraternities of monks and associations of virgins; yet they are cloistered in separate buildings and chastity is maintained with great care”^[41]

5d. Hierarchical system of St Thomas Christians

For spiritual matters, the Christians have a great pontiff as the head who is called Catholica. There are 12 Cardinals under him and two Patriarchs, Bishops and Archbishops.^[42]

Joseph mentioned about his return to Babylon with a Bishop to meet the Catholicose. This is an evidence to his second journey to Babylon with Mar Thomas to submit the first fruits in AD 1498.

The term Patriarch is not very clear. It might have been a title of the head of the church in India and China. We know that when Mar Ahatalla came in AD 1653, he claimed that he was the Patriarch of India and China. Mar Andrews- kallada Mooppan claimed that he was a Patriarch. From these, we have to assume that it was a title known to Malabar Christians.

About the 12 cardinals. We know that 12 was an important number for Malabar Christians. Arch deacon Thomas Parabmbil was consecrated as Mar Thoma I by 12 priests as assistants. When Mar Kariattil passed away, we had 12 priest assisting Paremmakkal Thomman Cathanaar in the 18th century. There is a Malayalam manuscript available addressing Paremmakkal Thomman Cathanaar and 12 priests, found in the personal library of late I C Chacko.^[43]

Joseph mentions that the Catholicose shave this head- tonsure- in the likeness of a cross.

Joseph also declared to the Pope of Rome, Pope Alexander VI- when he was asked, who gave this authority to the Catholica, that Saint Peter was the Pontiff in Antioch at the time of Simon Magus who molested the Christians in Rome and Peter had to move to Rome to oppose him, leaving a vicar in Antioch. This vicar is governing the oriental parts and he is called the Catholica, who is elected by 12 cardinals. They say that they do this with the authority of the Roman Pontiff.

Here, we can understand the word cardinal. Joseph might not have used the word cardinal. As these 12 people elect the catholicose similar to the cardinals who elect the Pope of Rome, the author of the narrations might have used the term cardinal.

We do not know what was meant by Joseph by saying, they say that they do this with the authority of the Roman Pontiff. We know from history that the Church of the East or the Church in Malabar was not in communion with the Roman Church at that time. There were many attempts in the past from the Church of the East for communion with the Rome from AD1247 by Patriarch Sabrisho V and by Mar Jaballaha III in 1288.^[44] 

Rabban Sauma and Monk markose went to Rome and celebrated the East Syriac Qurbana there and made a deposition to the Pope “With the pardon of my faults and sins which I have received thee, O Father, I desire of thy fatherliness, O’ Holy Father that I may receive communion from thy hands, so that I may have complete forgiveness”^[45]

In the council of Florence,(1438-1445) The Diocese of the Church of the East  in Cyprus became in full communion to the Roman Catholic church and they later adopted the latin Rite.^[46]

These shows that there was a fluctuant situation in the relations between Church of the East and the Catholic Church  from AD 1247 onwards and we do not know about any such recognision  from the Roman Pontiff for the election of the Catholicose Patriarch of the Church of the East at the time of Joseph. This could be a misunderstanding due to language barrier also. This subject needs further research.

5e. Sacraments, rituals and feasts of Christians.

Joseph gives an account of different sacraments, rites and feasts of Saint Thomas’ Christians to the Signoria of Venice.^[47]

5e(1)Baptism.

Joseph says,children are baptised 40 days after birth unless there is danger of life.

Gouvea also confirms that the Saint Thomas’ Christians did not baptise the children on the eighth day, but after a few months, sometimes an year, seven or ten years.^[48]

5e(2)Confession

Joseph said, the Christians have confession and they receive communion. It is not very clear whether Joseph is mentioning about auricular confession. Dutch text clearly says, they confess like those faithful to Rome but Italian and Latin are not clear.Fr Vallavanthara discusses this issue well in the book India in 1500 AD with references. Panteado, the Portuguese missionary reported that he was told by the Malabar Christians that they had only general confession and that they confessed to God in a clear voice altogether.^[49]

In the canons of the synod of Diamper in 1599 and in the statutes of Bishop Ross in 1606, the term “kumpassaram” is used for sacrament of reconciliation. The word “kumpassaram” was derived from the Portuguese word “confessao”. This is the only European word used in Malayalam for a sacrament. This shows that this is a European introduction into Malabar Christianity. But, when the canons of the synod describe the details of the act of confession, it uses another Malayalam word “pizhamoolal”. Bishop Ross also states in his statutes that if there are people who have not made the confession who come for the “pizhamoolal”, they should have their sins absolved before coming to it.^[50]

This proves that confession and pizhamoolal are not the same. Therefore, we have to assume that there was a general confession or a sort of sacrament of reconciliation in practice in Malabar Christians prior to Portuguese which was pizhamoolal and the proper auricular confession- kumpassaram was introduced by the European missionaries.

Osorius who wrote about St Thomas Christians at the time of King Emmanuel of Portugal, says “no one comes forward to receive the eucharist unless by previous confession he has washed away the soul’s defilements”.^[51]

This also confirms that there were some kind of general confession among the St Thomas Christians.

Quoting the Canons of the Synod of Diamper, Thomas Whitehouse says “In this Bishopric, no Christian has ever confessed upon obligation, and the great many not at all” showing that there were no confession similar to the Roman Church.^[52]

Therefore, the words of Joseph may not confirm that we had confession as the Roman church did.

Gouvea describes the practice of penitence among Saint Thomas Christians before the introduction of confession by the Portuguese. A fireplace was set up in the church to which incense is put and all approaches the smoke and diverting the smoke to their chest with their hands believing that with that smoke, all their sins are going outside their souls. ^[53]

5e(3) Ordination of Priests.

Joseph did not mention anything about odination of Priests. But he has confirmed that there were Priests, deacons and subdeacons. Gouvea reported that they ordain at young ages like 17-20 years and they would wear ecclesiastical dress which is ordinarily some white drawers and a loose shirt thown over it. They were all married.  ^[54]  More details about the Priests are discusses earlier.

5e(4)Eucharistic communion

Joseph states that they consecrate the body and blood of our lord as we do with unleavened bread. He also adds that as we do not have wine because grapes do not grow in the region, they use dried grapes coming from china, put them in water and squeeze them to make a juice to use in the sacrament.^[55]

Duarte Barbosa also confirms this and adds the grapes come from ormis and mecca. “They communicate with salt bread instead of a wafer, and they consecrate of that bread enough for all that are in the church, and they give it to all of them. Each one who communicates goes to receive it at the foot of the alter with his hand. The wine is in this manner, because there is no wine in India; they take raisins which come from Mekkah and Ormuz, and put them for a night in water, and on the next day, when they have to say mass they squeeze them and with the juice they say their mass.”^[56]

There are evidences to say that the mode of communion- receiving the Eucharist was also different in Malabar. Eucharist was received in both the species- body and blood. Fr Vallavanthara refers to A M Mundadan’s book “The Traditions of St Thomas Christians” where Fr Mundadan quotes Panteado.^[57]

Osorius also confirms that the Eucharist is offerd to all in both kinds, without discrimination”.^[58]

Gouvea  describes the way of celebration of the Eucharist among Saint Thomas’ Christians. They used to consecrate cakes made of oil and salt which were cooked in a copper vessel by the deacons and young men of minor orders in a small tower in the church above the Madbaha while the Priest is singing the mass. At the time of consecration, these cakes are thrown down through a hole on the roof of the Madbaha in a basket of palm leaves. They used the wine of dried grapes or of palm. ^[59]

5e(5) Anointing the sick and confirmation

Joseph said,they do not have extreme unction. The Latin text adds that instead they bless the body.^[60]

The Dutch text clearly says they do not have sacred oil, but instead, they bless the body.^[61]

Therefore, Joseph confirms that there was some form of blessing the sick was prevalent among Malabar Nasranis. (vs. anointing the sick)

Thomas Whitehouse quoting the decrees of the Synod of Diamper of 1599 says” there has not been hitherto any use of the sacrament of extreme unction, in which, for want of Catholic instruction, there has been no knowledge of institution, effects or efficacy thereof” “ Holy oils having hitherto not been used in this bishopric in any of the sacraments”^[62]

Gouvea says, they have no knowledge of confirmation and extreme unction. They did not use any oils in sacraments, but they anoint all the children  after baptism with coconut oil or with the oil of sesame  without any blessings. ^[63]. This confirms the practice of some kind of anointing alongwith Baptism which conforms with the Eastern Christian practice of giving Baptism, Confirmation and Eucharist together at the time of Baptism.

5e(6) Marriage

Joseph has not spoken anything about the sacrament of marriage but said they do not divorce whether the marriage is good or bad. ^[64]

Gouvea reported that there was no ecclesiastical ceremony in marriage. They throw a wire around the neck of the bride (thali) and do many other superstitious practices of the gentiles.^[65]

5f. Gospels and Evangelists.

Joseph confirmed that the Christians of St Thomas had four evangelists and venerates the same number of gospels. Joseph also mentioned that there were many holy doctors in Malabar who can interpret the old and new testaments very wisely.^[66]

5g. Feasts and rituals of St Thomas’ Christians.

Joseph narrates the feasts in the following order as in eastern tradition, starts with the central feast of resurrection. First the sacred day of resurrection with the following two days, then the octave of Easter with more festivity than any other feasts because it is on that that day did St Thomas put his hands on the side of our Lord and recognised that he was real not a phantom. After that, the day of ascension. Feast of the trinity, assumption of the blessed virgin, her nativity and purification. Nativity of our saviour and epiphany, and all the apostles and Sundays. The first day of July as memory of St Thomas, both Christians and the gentiles.^[67]

Joseph spoke about the lent and the advent and comments that they fast on Good Friday and Holy Saturday.

Joseph confirms that they bury the dead. When someone dies, the Christians come together, and eat together for eight days and pray.

They make their last will and testament. The Latin text adds that the last will is honoured with much devotion. If someone dies without making a will, the closest relative will get the property. The wives go back to their paternal house taking their dowry once their husband is dead. They cannot marry within a year.^[68]

5h. About Mailappore and the Tomb of St. Thomas.

Joseph describes about Saint Thomas’ tomb at Mailappore also.^[69]

From Cochin, 100 miles east is a cape called “cumari”. From “cape cumari” up to the river Indus is 500 miles where there is a very great gulf called oriza- Bay of Bengal. Here, Joseph uses the word river Indus instead of Ganges.

“Church of St Thomas is found in Milapar which is in this gulf. Church of St Thomas is as big as St Paul’s and St John’s in Venice. In this church placed the body of St Thomas who works many miracles. Both Christians and gentiles have great devotion to him”.^[70]

Duarte Barbosa wrote in AD 1514-15 “And he began to persecute the said St. Thomas who withdrew himself to Cholamandel, and then to a city which was called Muylepur, where he received martyrdom, and there he is buried.” “…which is called Maylepur; in former times it was a considerable place of the Kingdom of Narsinga. In this city is buried the body of the apostle St. Thomas, in a small church near the sea.”^[71]

These accounts confirm the tradition of St Thomas tomb at Mylappore and contradict the later day propaganda that Mylappore tomb was an invention of Portuguese.

6.CONCLUSION

Joseph’s narrations are unique as this is the only information from a native source about the affairs of St Thomas’ Christians in the early 16th century. These throw light into the ancient traditions and rituals of St Thomas Christians of Malabar. Many of the information from these narrations are unknown to the present generation. Joseph’s narrations are invaluable for those searching into the identity and traditions of St Thomas Christians.

Picture credits.

Thank to Gorgias Press LLC, 954 River Road Piscataway, NJ 08854 Tel: (732)885-8900 Fax: (732) 885-8908 (www.gorgiaspress.com) for permission to use images from the book “India in 1500 A D.The Narrations of Joseph, the Indian”

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Author M Thomas Antony can be reached by email at – m dot Thomas dot antony at live.co.uk.
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NSC NETWORK Article Footnotes

1. 1.Mathias Mundadan, The St.Thomas Christians 1498- 1552, p55
2. 2.Rev. H Hosten, St Thomas Christians of Malabar, Kerala Society papers, Series 5, 1929, Trivandrum, p 226, quoting the historic letter by four Bishops from Malabar in AD 1504, Codex Syriacus III, Tom II Bibliotheca Orientalis, p 488
3. 3.Schurhammer.The Malabar Church p 2f, cited by Mathias Mundadan, Thomas Christians 1498-1552 p56
4. 4.W Germann, Die Kirche der Thomaschristen Gutersloh 1877 p317 cited in India in 1500 AD, Antony Vallavanthara, p59
5. 5.Paesi cited by Mundadan The St.Thomas Christians 1498-1552, p58
6. 6.The St Thomas Christians of Malabar AD 1490-1504, Kerala Society Papers series 5, 1929, Trivandrum, P226 quoting the historic letter by four Bishops from Malabar in AD 1504, Codex Syriacus III, Tom II Bibliotheca Orientalis, p 488
7. 7.G T Mackenzie, Travancore State Manual II p149
8. 8.Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis, cited by H Hosten, St Thomas Christians of Malabar, Kerala Society papers, series 5 p241 foot note 12.
9. 9.W B Greenlee, The Voyage of Pedro Alvares Cabral to Brazil and India, London, 1937 p 87: Cambridge History of India, H H Doddwell, 1929 p 5 says it was the 9th
10. 10. .W B Greenlee, The Voyage of Pedro Alvares Cabral to Brazil and India, London, 1937, p 86Cf. Paesi Book III ch. IXXVIII, cited by Antony Vallavanthara, India in 1500 AD, p 73
11. 11 A Vallavanthara, India in 1500 AD, p 75
12. 12. Fariya y Sousa, The Portuguese Asia or history of the discovery and conquest of India by the Portuguese translated by Cap. John Stevens, London, 1695, p 59, cited by A Vallavanthara, India in 1500 AD p 75
13. 13. .H Hosten, St Thomas Christians of Malabar, Kerala Society papers Series 5 p 242 citing J and Proc. A.S.B., N.S., vol XIX, 1923, p220
14. 14. W B Greenlee, The Voyage of Pedro Alvares Cabral to Brazil and India, London, 1937, p119-123, Novus orbis, Basileae, 1532, pp130-133, both cited by A Vallavanthara, India in 1500 AD, p 77
15. 15 Latin text ch I in part IV, Italian text, ch I in part IV, Novus orbis, Basileae, 1532, pp 130-133, all cited in A Vallavanthara, India in 1500 AD, p 77.
16. 16.Italian text ch I in part IV cited by A Vallavanthara, India in 1500 A D, p 77
17. 17 A Vallavanthara, India in 1500 A D, p 78
18. 18 Die Kirche der Thomaschristen, Gutersloh, 1877, pp316-317, cited by A Vallavanthara, India in 1500 AD, p80
19. 19 Rev. H Hosten, Kerala Society Papers, series 5, 1929,Trivandrum, p227
20. 20. Codex Syriacus 5 written in AD 1533, cited by Fr H Hosten S J, The St Thomas Christians in Malabar, Kerala Society Papers Series 5, 1929, Trivandrum, p 225
21. 21.G Schurhammer, Three letters of Mar Jacob, Bishop of Malabar in Orientalia Bibliotheca Instituti Historici S J,Roma, Vol XXI, 1963p 345 cited by A Vallavanthara, India in 1500 AD, p59
22. 22.W B Greenlee, The Voyage of Pedro Alvares Cabral to Brazil and India, London, 1937, p86, cited by Antony Vallavanthara, India in 1500 AD, p64
23. 23.Rev. H Hosten, The St. Thomas Christians of Malabar, Kerala Society Papers, Series 5, 1929, Trivandrum p225, cited from Bibliotheca Orientalis, Tom III, Pars I p589- J S Assemani, and Early Spread of Christianity In India, A Mingana, Journal of John Rylands Library, Vol 10, No 2, July 1926, Manchester, p 36, translation from Syriac.;G Schurhammer, Three Letters of Mar Jacob, Bishop of Malabar, in Orientalia Bibliotheca Instituti Historici S J, Roma vol XXI 1963, p 334, cited by A Vallavanthara
24. 24.Rev. H H Hosten, The St. Thomas Christians of Malabar, Kerala Society Papers, Series 5 p226, cited from Bibliotheca Orientalis, Tom III, Pars I p589- J S Assemani, and Early Spread of Christianity In India, A Mingana, Journal of John Rylands Library, Vol 10, No 2, July 1926, Manchester, p 36, translation from Syriac.; W Germann, Die Kirche der Thomaschristen, Gutersloh, 1877 p317 cited by A Vallavanthara, India in 1500 AD, p 59
25. 25.G Schurhammer, Three letters p 345.cited by A Vallavanthara, India in 1500 AD, p 59.
26. 26.G Schurhammer, Three Letters of Mar Jacob, the Bishop of Malabar, Orientalia Bibliotheca Instituti Historici S J , Roma, vol XXI 1963, p334, cited by A Vallavanthara, India in 1500 AD p 58.
27. 27.A M Mundadan, Thomas Christians under Mar Jacob, p92 footnote 51 cited by A Vallavanthara, India in 1500 AD, p59.
28. 28.A M Mundadan, Traditions of Thomas Christians, p123 cited by A Vallavanthara, India in 1500 AD, p 60.
29. 29. Antony Vallavanthara, India in 1500 AD, pp166-167, 231
30. 30. A Description of the coasts of east Africa and Malabar in the beginning of sixteenth century, Duarte Barbosa, composed in probably 1514-15, Hakluyt Society, London, 1865 p162.
31. 31. Jornada of Dom Alexis de Menesis: A Portuguese account of the sixteenth century Malabar, Pius Malekkandathil, LRC Publications, p245.
32. 32. Jornada of Dom Alexis de Menesis:A Portuguese account of the sixteenth century Malabar, Pius Malekkandathil, LRC Publications, p187-188
33. 33.Jornada of Dom Alexis de Menesis: A Portuguese account of the sixteenth century Malabar, Pius Malekkandathil, LRC Publications, p188, foot note 159.
34. 34.Wikipedia article-http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Semantron
35. 35.Thomas Whitehouse, Lingering of lights in a dark land, being researches into the past history and the present condition of the Syrian Church of Malabar, p80
36. 36.India in 1500 AD, A Vallavanthara, p172-4.
37. 37.India in 1500 AD, A Vallavanthara, p279.
38. 38.A M Mundadan, Traditions of St Thomas Christians p 148 cited in India in 1500 AD, A Vallavanthara, p 284.
39. 39.A M Mundadan, Traditions of St Thomas Christians, p 119 cited in India in 1500 AD, A Vallavanthara p 284.
40. 40.Thomas Whitehouse, Lingering of lights in a dark land, being researches into the past history and the present condition of the Syrian Church of Malabar,.p82.
41. 41.Thomas Whitehouse, Lingering of lights in a dark land, being researches into the past history and the present condition of the Syrian Church of Malabar,p85-86
42. 42 India in 1500 AD, A Vallavanthara, pp168-171, 233.
43. 43.India in 1500 AD, A Vallavanthara, p274 foot note 72.
44. 44 Zubhi Zora, Orientalia Christiana Analecta, 247, Rene Leynant, Ed. Ponifical Institutium  Studiorum Orientalium, Rome, 1994, p 348, cited by Mar Aprem Metropilitan, The History of the Assyrian Church of the east in the Twentieth Century with special reference to the syriac literature in Kerala, Ph D thesis submitted to Mahatma Gandhi University, Kerala, October 2000, p 20-21 
45. 45 Mar Aprem Metropilitan, The History of the Assyrian Church of the east in the Twentieth Century with special reference to the syriac literature in Kerala, Ph D thesis submitted to Mahatma Gandhi University, Kerala, October 2000, p20 quoting “The History of Jaballaha III, Nestorian Patriarch and his vicar Bar Sauma”, James Montgomery, New York, 1927. 
46. 46 Mar Aprem Metropilitan, The History of the Assyrian Church of the East in the Twentieth Century with special reference to the syriac literature in Kerala, Ph D thesis submitted to Mahatma Gandhi University, Kerala, October 2000, p21
47. 47. India in 1500 AD, A Vallavanthara, pp172-175, 235-237
48. 48 Jornada Jornada of Dom Alexis de Menesis: A Portuguese account of the Sixteenth century Malabar, Dr Pius Malekkandathil, LRC Cochin p238
49. 49. A Vallavanthara, India in 1500 AD p 279 Cf. Mundadan, Traditions of St Thomas Christians, p172.
50. 50.Scaria Zacharia, rantu pracheena kruthikal p 132 cited in India in 1500 AD, A Vallavanthara, p281.
51. 51.Thomas Whitehouse, Lingering of lights in a dark land, being researches into the past history and the present condition of the Syrian Church of Malabar, p85.
52. 52.Thomas Whitehouse, Lingering of lights in a dark land, being researches into the past history and the present condition of the Syrian Church of Malabar, p112
53. 53.Jornada of Dom Alexis de Menesis: A Portuguese account of the Sixteenth century Malabar, Dr Pius Malekkandathil, LRC Cochin,  p238
54. 54.Jornada of Dom Alexis de Menesis: A Portuguese account of the Sixteenth century Malabar, Dr Pius Malekkandathil, LRC Cochin p240
55. 55.A Vallavanthara, India in 1500 AD,  p174-175, p235.
56. 56. A Description of the coasts of east Africa and Malabar in the beginning of sixteenth century, Duarte Barbosa, composed in probably 1514, Hakluyt Society, London, 1865 p162-3.
57. 57. A M Mundadan, The Traditions of St Thomas Christians, p167, cited by A Vallavanthara, India in 1500 AD, p28
58. 58.Thomas Whitehouse, Lingering of lights in a dark land, being researches into the past history and the present condition of the Syrian Church of Malabar, p 85.
59. 59.Jornada of Dom Alexis de Menesis: A Portuguese account of the Sixteenth century Malabar, Dr Pius Malekkandathil, LRC Cochin, p 239
60. 60. India in 1500 ad p 172-174.
61. 61. India in 1500 AD A Vallavanthara, p 235.
62. 62.Thomas Whitehouse, Lingering of lights in a dark land, being researches into the past history and the present condition of the Syrian Church of Malabar,112,116.
63. 63.Jornada Jornada of Dom Alexis de Menesis: A Portuguese account of the Sixteenth century Malabar, Dr Pius Malekkandathil, LRC Cochin p 238
64. 64.Antony Vallavanthara, India in 1500 AD p 176-177,237
65. 65.Jornada of Dom Alexis de Menesis: A Portuguese account of the Sixteenth century Malabar, Dr Pius Malekkandathil, LRC Cochin p 241
66. 66. India in 1500 A D, Antony Vallavanthara, p174-175,237
67. 67.India in 1500 AD, A Vallavanthara, p175-177.
68. 68.India in 1500 AD, A Vallavanthara, p175-176.
69. 69. India in 1500 AD, pp214-214, D 259
70. 70. A Vallavanthara, India in 1500 AD p214.
71. 71.Duarte Barbosa, A description of the coasts of East Africa and Malabar in the beginning of Sixteenth century, Hakluyt Society, London, 1865 pp160-161, 174-175.

• “The Arrival of the Portuguese in India and the Thomas Christians under Mar Jacob 1498-1552” by Dr. Mathias Mundadan
• ‘The St. Thomas Christian Encyclopaedia of India’- Volume II , Chief Editor Prof.George Menachery
• ‘Origin of Christianity in India’ by Dr.Benedict Vadakkekara
• ‘The Indian Christians of St. Thomas’ by Dr. Leslie Brown
• ‘The St. Thomas Christian Encyclopedia of India’- Volume I -Prof. George Menachery
• “Christianity in India- a History in ecumenical perspective” by HC Perumalil and ER Hambye
• ‘East of the Euphrates- Early Christianity in Asia’ by T.V. Philip

Champakulam Kalloorkkadu church is one of the most ancient churches in India. It belongs to the Archeparchy of Changanacherry, of the Syro Malabar Church. Champakulam church is the mother church of almost all Catholic Syrian churches in Alleppey district in Kerala State. It was founded in AD 427. The Christian community of Kalloorkkadu originated from the Niranom Church which was founded by St Thomas the Apostle himself. Champakulam comes among the second generation of ancient St Thomas Christian churches in Malabar which were formed from the so called seven first generation churches founded by St Thomas the Apostle himself.^[1]

Champakulam is a remote village in Kuttanadu Taluk of Alleppey district. The ancient church at Champakulam has a unique place in the history of Christianity in Malabar. It was involved in many historic events. It had a pivotal place in the efforts of reunion of Catholic Syrians and the Jacobite Syrians in the 18th century. Originating from Niranom church, Champakulam had very close relations with the Jacobite Syrian group and many Jacobite Syrian priests and their prelates even the Mar Thoma VI celebrated Holy Offices here.^[2]

The church was bolstered by the Devanarayanans of the Chempakassery kingdom and had very close relations with the Ambalapuzha Sree Krishna Swamy Temple which was the head quarters of the Kings of Chembakasserry. Even today, Champakulam church participates in the famous Champakulam Moolam Boat race, which is a commemoration of the Procession of the idol of Lord Krishna to Ambalapuzha by providing rope and bamboo every year for the boat race as a ritual.

Ancient accounts

Champakulam church is called Kaloorkkadu church in the ancient records with reference to the name of the place. Kalloorkkadu angadi was very famous in the past when Purakkadu port was a prominent port between Musiris and Kollam.^[3]

Kalloorkkadu was on the commercial route from the eastern Kerala like Aarpookkara, Kudamaaloor, Kuruppampady and Kaduthuruthy and others, to the port at Purakkadu and the spice trade was through this route until Alleppey gained more prominence. The port at Purakkadu has been mentioned in many ancient books like Periplus of the Erythrean Sea and the Book of Duarte Barbosa. Periplus of the Erythrean Sea mentions about pepper trade from cottonora which has been interpreted by many as Kuttanadu.^[4]

Duarte Barbosa also mentions about Porca.^[5]

The Chembakasserry Dynasty and Champakulam church

The Chembakasserry Kingdom was founded in 12th century based at Kudamaalor by a Namboothiri with the help of a group of Nair warriors expelled from the Samoothiry of Calicut. These kings were called “Devanarayanans”.^[6]

They later invaded to the west and took over the Ambalapuzha area and moved his head quarters to Amabalapuzha. The famous Ambalapuzha temple was the palace of the king. This kingdom was called as Kingdom of Porca by the western historians with reference to the port at Purakkadu.

Antonio de Gouvea reports that the Church at Purakkadu was founded by the King as a gratitude for the blessings and favours he received from the God of the Christians during his war with the Queen of Wadakkumcoor. He had a lot of Christians in his army and during the war; one of the Cathanaars blessed the Christian army and asked the king to have a private flag for the Christian army with a cross in it. He won many wars with this flag. As a gratitude for his victories, he founded a church at Purakkadu with the title of Mar Sliba (Holy Cross) and brought some Christians from Champakulam to live there. The King himself planned to carry a big cross to the site of the church, but as he fell ill the King’s brother and heir carried it and planted there. Later, the King handed this church over to the Jesuites.^[7]

There is documentary evidence that these Devanarayanans helped and supported Champakkulam church. The church was exempted from tax. Later, when the Kingdom was taken over by the King of Travancore, the Travancore Government also honoured the same tradition, but decided a tax of 23.5 kalippanam and donated this sum to the church every year for lighting lamps in the church.

In AD 1544, the church was renovated by the initiative of a Devanarayanan. The last king of Chembakasserry donated some property to the church for the expenses of the Moonnu noyambu of Chamapakulam Church.^[8]

History of the Church

By tradition, the original church was founded in AD 427. We have to assume that the old church might have been rebuilt and renovated many times. As with most of our ancient churches, there is not much documentation available. But, surprisingly we have a lot of information available from a few archaeological artefacts around the church.

It is believed that the first church was at the site of the present cemetery. Later, a new church was built at the land reclaimed from the river, probably in AD1151. We have clear evidence about the renovations done after AD 1151 from the inscriptions on the Champakulam Rock Cross.

It is believed that the Christians migrated to Champakulam from Niranom initially and then from places like Kuravilangadu, Kaduthuruthy, and Kudamaaloor when Kalloorkadu angadi became a commercially important place near the port at Purakkadu.^[9]

Archaeological evidences

There are 5 artefacts identified by various researchers. Rev Fr Antony Vallavanthara has done extensive research about the history of the church and published them as an article “Pazhamayile paramaarthamgal” in the Diamond Jubilee Souvenir of the Leo XIII library in 1970s in which he describes about the first four artefacts. (I was a school student at that time and I kept this article for long time and as a school boy, I personally verified all those artefacts in and around the church. I think this article has inspired me some interest in the scientific study of history)^[10]

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1 A stone inscription seen on a step stone on the north side of front door of the church, directed to the west side of the mondalam (portico). This red coloured stone might have been a tomb stone. As this has been ignored as a step stone, most part of the inscription has been eroded and we can identify a cross on the top and digits 844 below it followed by partly worn off letters bordered with two lines on either sides. Experts are of the opinion that these inscriptions are in vattezhuthu- nanam monam of the old Malayalam and denote ME 844 which is AD 1669.

2 An inscription on a beam across the Church which reads “Mishiha Piranna 1730, Thamalloora itty Kuruvila kathanaar I cheelaanthy paniyichu. Ee kollam 905 meena matham”- This beam was built by Thamalloor Itty Kuruvila Kathanaar in AD 1730. This is in ME (Kolla varsham) 905, the month of Meenam.

This clearly indicates that this beam was replaced in the church in AD 1730 by Thamalloor Itty Kuruvila Kathanaar. This proves that the present Church building is built before AD 1730.

3 A palm leaf document kept in the Department of Archaeology, Government of Kerala in Trivandrum dated ME 996 Edavam signed by the Maha Raja of Travancoore, deciding 23.5 panam as tax to the church and allowing that sum to use in the church for lighting lamps.

4 Inscription around the open air rock cross situated on the south side of the church. This reads “Ea kurishu kalloorkkadu ennu prasidhi petta ea palliyude kizhakku vashathu stapichirunnu. Palli pani cheytha eeerekure 670 valsaram chenna 1821 kalam madbaha polichu pani kazhichappole polichu. 1857 kaalam semithery Pani Cheythappole randamathu vechu.”- This cross was placed on the east side of this church which is famous as Kalloorkkadu church. After about 670 years of building the church, that is in 1821, when the madbaha was refurbished, this cross was taken down. In 1857, when the cemetery was built, it was replaced.

This clearly states that there was some church building works done in AD 1151. This cross had been placed on the east side of the church. After 670 years, which is in AD 1821, the madbaha was refurbished and this cross was taken down. This must be the modifications by the Portuguese to the madbaha. This also indicates that the present building was constructed in AD 1151.

The present church building is close to the river. There is no chance that this cross was placed on the east side of the church as there isn’t enough space there. So, I assume that the inscription is talking about the old church. I have heard that the original church was at the site of the cemetery and it is possible that the cross was on the east side of the old church. They made a new church in AD 1151, and the cross was on the east side of the famous old church. They took this cross down in AD 1821 to replant in AD 1857 when the cemetery was built at the site of the old church. It has to be noted that this cross in the present position is in line with the small church in the cemetery.

5. This is an inscription mentioning about the renovation of the church in 1885 written with tar at the bottom of the dome above the Madbaha of the present church.

In “Changanasserry Athi roopatha Innale Innu vol II” Ed. Jacob Nellikkunnathu, mentions about a new church built in AD 1720. There is no mention of this event on the Rock cross inscription which clearly states about the building work in 1151, 1821 and 1857.The people behind the inscription, who wrote about the events in AD1151 would not have omitted the brand new church built in AD 1720. It seems that it was only a renovation in AD 1720 and the inscription on the wooden beam built by Thamalloor Itty Kuruvilla Kathanaar also points towards this possibility. If it was a new Church, no one would have inscribed it as a “beam was built”.

There is another indication for a renovation works in AD 1786 period which is reported by the famous historian Chithramezhuthu K M Varughese. In his series of articles titled “Champakulam palliyude Grandhavai- The chronicles of Champakulam Church- in Nasrani Deepika daily dated 30 sep 1921, 20 January 1922, 29 April 1922, and 2 May 1922, he mentions about the maintenance works done without the permission of the King of Travancore, the church authorities went to see the King on ME 17 Thulam 961 and the King accepted their excuses.^[11]

Jacob J Kurialacherry, in his book Kalloorkkadu palliyum Suriyani Christianikalum- Kalloorkkadu Church and Syrian Christians-about a renovation in AD 1544 with the help of the King of Chempakasserry. In AD 1885 also there was some renovation works and the renovated church was consecrated in AD 1891 by Mar Charles La Vingne, the then Bishop of Changanacherry. In 1985, the plastering of the church with lime was replaced with cement and the murals were renovated by experts.^[12]

Champakulam Open air Rock cross

Open air rock crosses are a unique feature in St Thomas Christian Churches.

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There are many discussions whether these crosses are European in origin or not. Antionio de Gouvea has reported that it is common in Malabar but very rare in Europe and other places.^[13]

The Champakulam Rock Cross is very important as the inscriptions on it confirm that it was present even in AD 1151. This must be the most ancient open air rock cross found in Kerala with clear evidence about its age.

Church Architecture

We can assume that the present Church building was built in AD 1151 and it has undergone several renovations. There is no evidence of any major structural renovations after the arrival of the Portuguese. Hence, the Church Architecture can be taken as a model of ancient Syriac Christian churches in Malabar. It is important to note that Champakulam Church is one of the rare churches retained with East Syriac scheme of church architecture with Madbaha, Qestroma, sanctuary veils, bema, Hykkala etc. questioning the arguments of many modern day historians that Keralan Churches had no architectural facility for celebrating East Syriac Raza.

The madbaha and its decorations show strong Portuguese influence. This might be the modifications made by the Missionaries. Champakulam Church is famous for its ancient murals.

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The side walls of the madbaha and the ceiling of the whole length of the church is beautifully decorated with ancient murals. As this is an old church, the inside is relatively dark and while you are inside, all you can see is the murals on the ceiling with blue sky, clouds and angels popping out from the clouds, pictures of the father, son and the Holy spirit all these create a mystic environment and you feel that you are not in this earth!

Champakulam Church in the Nasrani History

Champakulam Kallorkkadu Church has its own place in the Nasrani history. History of the pre Portuguese period is unclear. There is no documentation available about visitation of any East Syrian prelates or any Arch deacons or any important events in the ancient period. Before the arrival of Portuguese, Ankamali was the centre of all Nasrani politics. The politics moved to southern parts like Niranom only after the Arch deacon was evicted from the North by the political power of the Portuguese. Being close to Niranom, Champakulam also gained importance.

Alexis Dom Menesis and Synod of Diamper

It is not clear from available documentation about the representation of Champakulam church in the Synod of Diamper but Thomas Yeates in his book cites the Synodical Acts at Diamper and provide a catalogue of Syrian Christian Churches and Callurcata is one among them.^[14]

Champakulam church might have participated in the Synod of Diamper and Arch bishop Menesis has visited Champakulam after the synod. It is reported by Antionio Gouvea that the Arch Bishop came to Champakulam from Pallippuram. As he did with every Nasrani Churches, he performed Confirmation to everybody as St Thomas Christians did not have a confirmation like the Latin Church. Thomas Yates comments that the Arch Bishop should have known that the Eastern Church administer to children, confirmation and the Eucharist with baptism.^[15]

During the confirmation, he changed names of many who had the name Iso- Syriac for Jesus- in the area which was common among the St Thomas Christians before the synod of Diamper. The Arch Bishop also endowed and helped with comfortable marriages of poor orphan girls which he himself performed. From Champakkulam, the Arch Bishop went to Purakkadu.^[16]

This events are reported by other authors also like Thomas Whitehouse, James Hough etc. Thomas Whitehouse also reports that the Arch Bishop gave rice cakes to children with golden coins hidden in them to win the hearts of the people.^[17]

Coonan Cross oath and subsequent Division, Joseph Sebastiani

It is very clear from Joseph Thekkedathu that Champakulam church was with the Archdeacon during and after the Great Coonan cross oath. It was only in July 1659, Champakulam and Kudamaloor churches joined the Catholic Syrian group by the order of the King of Purakkadu, who was an ally of the Portuguese.^[18]

Even with this, it seems that the Christians of Champakulam were resilient. We can read from James Hough that on 26th of August 1661, Arch Bishop Joseph Sebastiani visited Champakulam church, and the King of Purakkadu sent an officer to persuade Christians to attend and it was with difficulty that they could be induced to receive confirmation at the Bishop’s hands.^[19]

Carmelite Missionary Paulinos de St Bartolomew

Paulini de St Bartolomew, an Austrian missionary who was in Malabar 1744-1790, was connected to Champakulam. Thomas Whitehouse reports that Paulinose was resident in Champakulam for a while and his accounts show light into the social history of the area. Paolinos describes “Callurcada as a district abounding in water which produces large quantities of rice. It may be called the granary of Malabar”.^[20]

He suggests that the Christians of Champakulam were vegetarians, beef was not available and killing a cow for eating was forbidden in the state. He describes an incident in which 5 young men were sentenced to death by hanging for killing a cow for eating.^[21]

Paolinos also describes, a young man pailo was converted to Christianity in the village of miraculous cross – kurinshingel- and given beef, he replied, that he regarded killing of a cow and eating its flesh in the same light as murdering his own mother and partaking of her flesh. This village of miraculous cross may be vaisyambhagom, a nearby village with a Latin rite church in the name of miraculous cross. This also shows light into the proselytization work done by the Carmelite missionaries based on the existing Syriac churches. When the Syriac churches were separated from Verapuzha diocese, this miraculous cross church remained in Verapuzha.

Whitehouse quotes Paulinus ^[22]

“Chandy, a cathanaar at callurcada had written to inform him that some native Christian women in his neighbourhood were living in concubinage with certain nairs. Paolinos raised this issue to the Diwan and got a letter to the chief native officer at Ambalapolay who was directed to render prompt assistance and those found guilty of this crime were to sent to Trivandrum under a military guard whilst the females were to have all their property confiscated.”

This throws light into the persistence of concubinage among Syrian Christians even at that time. We know that marriage was not a sacrament among Nasranis and concubinage was common even with Hindus and even among the Cathanaars. This practice was abolished by the synod of Diamper.

Abraham Hyacinthe Anquetil Du Perron

Du Perron was a French intellectual writer, traveller, interpreter and linguistic scholar visited Champakulam in 1758. Thomas Whitehouse describes Du Perron’s visit like this-^[23]

www.youtube.com/watch?v=rkH40T_uIEA

“He appeared to have been charmed with it describing it as a lovely spot surrounded by water, having many cattanaars attached to the church, in which they maintained a perpetual religious service. The church, with its group of collegiate buildings, has at the present day an imposing appearance from the broad stream which sweeps past it”.

Kallada Mooppan- Mar Andrews

Kallada Mooppan alias Anthrayose Kasseessa  arrived in Kerala in 1676. 

He appeared in Champakulam claiming that he was a Patriarch appointed by the Pope for St. Thomas Christians.In 1677, Raphael Figuerede was consecrated as the auxiliary Bishop to Palli Veettil Chandy Metran which created a lot of unrest among the Catholic Syrian group. When Palli veettil Chandy metran was consecrated as a Bishop, The Catholic Syrian group was hopeful that there is going to be a lineage of native Bishops from Palliveettil Chandy metran to mark the end of the foreign rule. But when Raphael Figueredo was posted as the auxiliary of Palliveettil Chandy metran, they became disappointed and Kallada Mooppan came in claiming that he was appointed by the Pope for the St Thomas Christians. He stayed at Champakulam for some time but when the Carmelites proved that he had no authority from the Pope and as he appeared addicted to alcohol, people were unhappy and he had to leave Champakulam.

Whitehouse’s accounts on Kallada Mooppan.^[24]

“When Mar Thoma IV presided over the Syrian party, A man with name Andrew, styled himself a Patriarch, and professed to be the bearer of a brief from the Pope; but the Carmelite missionaries reported him to be nothing more than Jacobite priest, Paoli says that he was much given to Wine on which account, he was not very acceptable to the Syrians who adhered to Mar Thoma. He came to Malabar in 1676, lived first at Callurcada, and afterwards at Kallida, where eventually fell into the river in a drunken fit, and was drowned. In 1788, Paoli ascertains that these southern schismatics call him as kallida mooppan or elder of their church, and offered cocks and hens at his tomb”.

There are other accounts also. As reported in Thulasserry Manapurathu Tharavadu History web pages,  Alummoottil Oommen Cathanaar in his diary mentions that Mar Andrews was mispercepted as a drunkard, but he was prescribed toddy for his stomach ailments.

Kallada  Mooppan is honoured by many sections even today as a saintly person and his feast is celebrated in Churches like Kallada, Puthiyacavu and Manarcaud.

In Niranom Granthavary,^[25]M Kurian Thomas discusses the identity of kallada Mooppan well as below.

1. According to Paulinose de St Bartholomew, Anthrayose Kasseessa was a Jocobite Priest. That was why, Paulinose considered the consecration of Mar Thoma II & III invalid as both were claimed to be consecrated by Mar Andrews.

2.Karottuveettil Mar Simon Dionysius’s manuscript p131 mentions Anthrayose as a  Patriarch and Mar Thoma I  and Mar Anthrayose Patriarch consecrated two Mar Thoma Metrans, but Kurian Thomas disputes this as Mar Thoma I passed away in 1670.

3. In a letter to Patriarch of Antioch in 1770, Mar Thoma IV describes him as a Bishop.

4. In an ancient wooden engraving found in Kundara church, Anthrayose kasseessa is pictured with the cap of a Chaldean Bishop.

5. Vettikkunnel Kudumba Charithram (History of Vettikkunnel family) comments that Patrose Thritheeyan Patriarch declared Anthrayose as a Nestorian.

6 Anquetil Du Perron describes him as a Nestorian.

Bishop Anjalose Francis

Bishop Anjelose Francis visited Champakulam in AD 1712.^[26]

Bishop Anjalose Francis was a Carmelite who was consecrated by Mar Simon, a Chaldean catholic Bishop, as the Latin rite Bishops and the Jesuites refused to consecrate him.

Mar Gabriel

Mar Gabriel was an East Syrian Bishop came to Malabar in 1708. Majority of St Thomas Christians accepted him. Mar Thoma had only 22 churches at that time and 42 churches accepted Mar Gabriel.^[27]

Later, Mar Gabriel was converted to Catholic side. In the unstable political state of Nasranis at that time, we have to assume that Champakulam church also accepted Mar Gabriel as there is evidence that there were Cathanaars from Chamapakulam also ordained by Mar Gabriel. Paulinose reports that there was a senior cathanaar from Champakulam and a Gheevarghese kathanaar of Pallipuram were among those ordained by Mar Gabriel.^[28]

Those who know the traditions of St Thomas Christians understand that without a desakkuri, an ordination is not accepted by the community and as these priests were accepted by the community, we have to assume that the community at Champakulam gave desakkuri for those cathanaars to be ordained by Mar Gabriel.

Puthenparambil Ikkakko Cathanaar- Persecution by Missionaries

The story of Ikkakko kathanaar is a unique example for Portuguese persecution.
Ikkakko Kathanaar was from Champakulam and was the vicar of Edappalli church. He was persecuted and killed by the European Missionaries accusing him of stealing a monstrance) from the church at Verapuzha.^[29]

He was unlawfully kept in custody without food and died in prison. This infamous incident happened in 1787. This case was heard by a minister of the King of Travancore on ME 962 Medam 2 (1787) and the Carmelites were sentenced to pay a fine to the Governement.^[30]

Paremmakkal Thomman Cathanaar, the Governor of Catholic Syrians

Paremmakkal Thomman Kathanaar, the Governor of the Catholic Syrians was a regular visitor at Champakulam church. He was temporarily based at Champakulam during his talks with Mar Thoma VI regarding the unity of Catholic Syrians and Jacobite Syrians. Niranom Grandhavari narrates his travels between Champakulam and Niranom with Thachil Mathoo Tharakan.^[31]

Champakulam Church and the ecumenical efforts with Jacobite Syrians

Even the church was under Catholic Syrian group, there were priests of both groups resident there for example Anthrayose kasseessa. The division of St Thomas Christians after the Coonan Cross oath took place over a long time period until the Puthencoor officially adopted the West Syriac liturgy around AD 1789, both Puthencoor and Pazhayacoor were using the same East Syriac liturgy.^[32]

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As there were no difference in liturgy and practices and the division was about the leadership, there were no such a division at the community level and hence, the community had no problems with Priests or Bishops of the other group celebrating Holy orders. We can see in the history that many churches were mixed denominations- shared between Puthencoor and Pazhayacoor.

Champakulam church had a prominent position in the efforts for reunion of Puthencoor and Pazhayacoor. Paremmakkal Thomman Cathanaar and Mathoo Tharakan were the leaders of Catholic Syrian group. Mathoo Tharakan had a warehouse at Champakulam and hence Champakulam church became in important place for many discussions and negotiations with the Jacobite Syrians.

Niranom Grandhavari describes that “ME 966, kumbam 25 a group of Pazhayacoor including mampilli metran of kollam, Kochitty Kathanaar of Purakkadu, Narakathara Chandy Kathanaar of Kalloorkadu, Paremmakkal Governadore and fifteen Nasranis travelled from Purakkadu to Changannuur by a boat to meet Valiya Mar Dinvannasios. They celebrated the Kurisuvara Wednesday (Ash Wednesday) there on 26th and met with the Metropilitan and went to Kaloorkkadu.

ME 967 Kanni 20, they met in Kayamkulamm palli and because Mathoo Tharakan’s daughter died, they concluded the meeting and Governodor went to Niranom, stayed there for 4 days and then to Kalloorkadu. The next meeting was planned on 25th vrishchikam at Niranom to celebrate the Qurbana in the Chaldean way. Kochitty Kathanaar and People from Changanacherry, Kaloorkadu met in Niranom to celebrate Chaldean Qurbana but that meeting was also concluded due to the death of Mathoo Tharakan’s son.

ME 974 Edavam 29, after celebrating the Chaldean mass at Thathampalli, Mar Divanniose went to Champakulam and celebrated Qurbana there and on Midhunam 5, went to Puthiyakavu.”^[33]

The reunion of Mar Thoma VI was supposed to be held at Champakulam Church on the Sunday next to Puthu njayar- second Sunday of Easter in 1791 but due to the opposition of the Carmelite Bishop Aloysius, it did not happen.^[34]

Rokos and Melus schisms

Bernard Thomas in his book Mar Thoma Christianikal, describes that out of 154 churches, 86 churches fully and about 30 churches partly joined with Mar Rokos. Bernard Thomas certifies that Champakulam Church kept away from Rokos and Melus schisms^[35]

Porukkara Thoma Malpan

Porukkara Thoma Malpan was from Champakulam. He was one of the founder fathers of the Carmelites of Mary immaculate, the first religious order for men among the catholic Syrians.

Bishop Mar Thomas Kurialacherry

During the time of Nidheerickal Mani Kathanaar, the community fought vigorously for native Bishops and restoration of Syro chaldeac rite. The Community realised that one of the important factors hampering the community from getting a native Bishop was lack of priests trained in Rome. So the community sent Thomas Kurialacherry from Kalloorkkadu to Rome as he was from a wealthy family who can afford to take the expenses. Thomas Kurialacherry returned from Rome and eventually became the first native Northist Bishop of Changanacherry.^[36]

Modern History

Today, Champakulam church is the mother church of most of the Catholic Syrian churches in Alleppey District. The Forane Churches at Alleppey, Edathua and Pulincunnu were formed from Champakulam.

Sisters of the Adoration of the Blessed Sacrament (SABS) is a religious order for women founded at Champakulam by Bishop Mar Thomas Kurialacherry. Orslem Church and St Thomas School were established in association with the SABS congregation. From this humble start, the Congregation has now spread to other continents also like Africa.^[37]

Promotion of education -Champakulam church took initiative in promoting the education in the region by taking over the Government Lower Primary School in 1896. This was upgraded to a High School in 1950. Leo XIII Library was also formed under the initiative of this church in 1914 which has evolved into one of the prominent libraries in Kuttanadu now.^[38]

The following Parish churches are affiliated to Kalloorkkadu Forane Church.^[39]

Padaharam St Joseph’s                              Chennamkari St Joseph’s
Chennamkary Lourde Matha                  Nasrathu St Jerome’s
Thekkekkara St John’s                              Thekkekkara St Sebastian’s
Pullangadi Holy family                             Kandamkari St Joseph’s
Kondackal St Joseph’s                              Narbonapuram St Sebastian’s
Thottuvathala Sacred Heart’s              Vadakke Amichakari St George’s
Vaisyambhagom St Antony’s               Ponga Mar Sliba

Other Institutions under the Church.^[40]

St Mary’s Higher Secondary School,
St Mary’s Lower primary School,
St Joseph’s Hospital,
SABS Convents at Champakulam and Kochupalli
St Thomas Upper Primary School,
Bishop Kurialacherry Lower primary and Nursery School,
Gagultha Monastery- CMI
S H Upper primary School,
Father Porookkara Memorial Junior College (CMI)

Conclusion

Champakulam Kalloorkkadu church has a very important place in the history of Catholic Syrians in Kerala. In 1887, when Syro Malabar Church was established for the St Thomas Christians of Syro Chaldeac rite, Champakulam church was chosen as one of the only seven Forane Churches in the Southern Kerala vicariate at Kottayam, considering the importance of the Church. Geographically, this is the whole of Southern Kerala south of river periyaar But sadly, today when the Syro Malabar Church has about seven dioceses south of river Periyar in Kerala, Champakulam is neglected as only a Forane Church.^[41]

It seems that in this era of tourism, Champakulam is gaining it’s prominence by attracting a large number of foreign tourists, thanks to the tour agents who exploit the history of the church. Now, there are so many tourism websites boasting Champakulam church as one of the churches established by St Thomas the Apostle himself. There are no arrangements from the church authorities to explain the real history and importance of this church to the visitors. The archaeological artefacts found in the church are unique which itself will be very interesting to the visitors. The church should take initiative in this area by providing an audio visual exhibition and presentation about the history of the church with a small fee which will be welcomed by the visitors.

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Author M Thomas Antony can be reached by email at – m dot Thomas dot antony at live.co.uk.
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NSC NETWORK Article Footnotes

1. 1.Bernard Thomas, Keralathile Marthoma Christianikal (St Thomas Christians of Kerala) p412 (Publisher John Pellisserry, cited in Changanacherry Athiroopatha Innale Innu vol II Ed Jacob Nellikkunnathu, p260) Mailakombu, Kaduthuruthi, Aruvithura, Kuravilangadu, Kalloorkadu (Champakulam), Udayamperur and Edappalli are considered to be the second generation churches. Tradition says the first generation churches as Kollam, Palayoor, Kokkamangalam, Kottackavu, Niranom, Chayal, Nilackal
2. 2.Niranom Grandhavari- Patanavum samshodhanayum, M Kurian Thomas, Sophia Books Kottayam (Chronicles of Niranom, a study and analysis) p106
3. 3.Changanasserry athiroopatha innale, innu, vol II, Ed Jacob Nellikkunnathu, p261 citing A Sreedhara Menon, History of Kerala, p87

   Indian geographical Journal Vol V, VI p236-238 suggests that Barake was on the mouth of river Baris which is the River Pamba and Nelcynda was an inland city on the river. Barake exports pepper from Nelcynda. According to Periplus, Nelcynda was 500 stadia away from Musiris and 120 stadia from Barake. These distances are fairly correct if we take Nelcynda to be Niranom and Barake to be Purakkadu.

4. 4.Periplus of the Erythrean Sea Part II containing an account of navigation of the ancients from the Gulf of Elana, the red sea to the land of Ceylon, William Vincent DD, 1805

   “ In conformity with this system, we find, that throughout the whole which the periplus mentions of India, we have a catalogue of the imports and exports only at the two ports of Barugaza and nelkunda, and there seems to be a fixed distinction between the aerticles appropriate to each. Fine muflins and ordinary cottons are the principal commodities of the first, tortoise shell, pearls, precious stones, silk, and above all pepper seems to have been procurable only at the latter. This pepper is said to be brought to this port from Cottonora, generally supposed to be a province of canara, in the neighbourhood of nelkunda, and famous to this hour for producing the best pepper in the world except that of Sumatra.”

5. 5.Description of the coasts of East Africa and Malabar in the beginning of sixteenth century, Duarte Barbosa
6. 6.Changanacherry Athiroopatha Innale Innu vol II, p261-262, Ed Jacob Nellikkunnathu, citing Kerala District Gazetteer, Alleppey, pp49-50
7. 7.Jornada of Dom Alexis de Menesis: A Portuguese account of the Sixteenth Century Malabar, Ed. Pius Malekkandathil, LRC Publications Kochi, p370-371.
8. 8.Changanacherry Athiroopatha Innale Innu, vol II, p261Ed Jacob Nellikkunnathu
9. 9.Changanacherry Athiroopatha Innale innu, Vol II, p 261, Ed Jacob Nellikkunnathu
10. 10. Pazhamayile Paramaarthamgal, Antony Vallavanthara, Souvenir of the Diamond Jubilee of the Leo XIII Library, Champakulam p127 cited in Changanacherry Athiroopatha Innale Innu, p262-263)
11. 11. Chamapakulam Palliyude Grandhavary, Chthramezhuthu K M Varghese, Series of articles published in the Malayalam daily news paper Nasrani Deepika dates 30 September 1921, 20 January 1922, 29 April 1922, and 2 May 1922, cited in Changanacherry Athiroopatha Innale Innu Vol II p264, Ed Jacob Nellikkunnathu.
12. 12.Changanacherry Athiroopatha Innale Innu, Vol II PP265-266, Ed Jacob Nellikkunnathu.
13. 13. Jornada of Dom Alexis de Menesis: A Portuguese account of the Sixteenth Century Malabar, pp187-188
14. 14. Thomas Yeates, Indian Church History (1818) p135, Asian Christology and the Mahayana, E A Gordon, 1921 p291 cites the synodical acts p 60, 65, 80.
15. 15.Thomas Yeates, Indian Church History, (1818) p127
16. 16. Jornada of Dom Alexis de Menesis: A Portuguese account of the Sixteenth Century Malabar, p369
    Gouvea pronounce it as Iyo in his book and I personally know that “iyyo”s are in Champakulam which I think is “Job- iyyob”. But The Synod of Diamper ruled against the use of the Lord’s name)
17. 17. Lingerings of Light in the dark land, being researches into the past history and the present condition of the Syrian Church of Malabar, Thomas Whitehouse, p118.
18. 18.The troubled days of Francis Garcia, SJ, Arch Bishop of Cranganore, Joseph Thekkedathu, p 143, citing, Archivio storico della Sacra Congregazione de Propanganda Fide Rome, Scritture Originati riferite nelle Congregazione Generali (APF, SOCG) 233 f 236 v Brevis et succinta relatio….Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu (ARSI- Jesuite Archives) Goa 49, ff194v-195 narration by Fr Bras de Azevedo S J, ARSI Goa 68 I f 329 Fr Hyacinth to Garcia on 4th of July 1659. ARSI Goa 68I f 329v Garcia’s reply on 6th of July 1659, ARSI Goa ff169v-170 statement from the Vicar, cathanaars and seminarians from Kallurkkadu.)
19. 19.James Hough, History of Christianity in India, Vol II book 4 p 359
20. 20.Lingerings of Light in the dark land, being researches into the past history and the present condition of the Syrian Church of Malabar, Thomas Whitehouse, p 119 foot note
21. 21. Lingerings of Light in the dark land, being researches into the past history and the present condition of the Syrian Church of Malabar, Thomas Whitehouse , p217
22.   22.Lingerings of Light in the dark land, being researches into the past history and the present condition of the Syrian Church of Malabar, Thomas Whitehouse, p220
23. 23.Lingerings of Light in the dark land, being researches into the past history and the present condition of the Syrian Church of Malabar, Thomas Whitehouse, pp118-119
24. 24.Lingerings of Light in the dark land, being researches into the past history and the present condition of the Syrian Church of Malabar, Thomas Whitehouse, p 199
25. 25.Niranom Grandhavari- Patanavum samshodhanayum, M Kurian Thomas, Sophia Books Kottayam (Chronicles of Niranom, a study and analysis) p200
26. 26.A double regime in the Malabar Church, Thomas Pallippurathukunnel, p132 cited in Changanacherry Athiroopatha Innale Innu Vol II Ed Jacob Nellikkunnathu p268
27. 27.Indian Christians of St Thomas, Leslie Brown, P116 cited in Nasrani padanamgal, Indian orthodox sabha charithram, Joseph Cheeran, Sophia Print House Kottayam p 142
28. 28. Lingerings of Light in the dark land, being researches into the past history and the present condition of the Syrian Church of Malabar, Thomas Whitehouse, p211
    A double regime in the Malabar Church, Thomas Pallippurathukunnel p 143 cited in Changanacherry Athiroopatha Innale Innu vol II
29. 29.A monstrance is the vessel used in the Roman Catholic, Old Catholic, Anglican, and Lutheran Churches to display the consecrated Eucharistic Host, during Eucharistic adoration or Benediction of the Blessed Sacrament. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Monstrance.
30. 30.Vartha mana Pusthakam, Paremmakkal Thomman Kathanaar, OIRSI Publications, Kottayam p 49
31. 31. Niranom Grandhavari- Patanavum samshodhanayum, M Kurian Thomas, Sophia Books Kottayam (Chronicles of Niranom, a study and analysis) p96
32. 32. Niranom Grandhavari- Patanavum samshodhanayum, M Kurian Thomas, Sophia Books Kottayam (Chronicles of Niranom, a study and analysis 112,
    Indian orthodox sabha charithram Joseph Cheeran p171,
    Indian orthodox church, charithravum samskaravum p 438( IOC history and Culture ) Joseph Cheeran, K V Mammen, K C Mathew, Kottackal Publishers
33. 33.Niranom Grandhavari- Patanavum samshodhanayum, M Kurian Thomas, Sophia Books Kottayam (Chronicles of Niranom, a study and analysis p96, 106
34. 34.Changanacherry Athiroopatha Innale Innu, vol II, p261Ed Jacob Nellikkunnathu, p271
35. 35.Bernard Thomas, Marthoma christianikal pp728, 743, 744, cited in Changanacherry athiroopatha innale innu, Vol II, p271, Ed. Jacob Nellikkunnathu
36. 36. Father Nidhiri, A hstory of his time, Abraham M Nidhiry, p319
37. 37.Changanacherry Athiroopatha Innale Innu, Vol II, pp 271-272
38. 38. Changanacherry Athiroopatha Innale Innu, Vol II, p 272, Ed.Jacob Nellikkunnathu
39. 39.Changanacherry Athiroopatha Innale Innu, Vol II, p 259, Ed. Jacob Nellikkunnathu,
40. 40.Changanacherry Athiroopatha Innale Innu, Vol II p 260, Ed. Jacob Nellikkunnathu
41. 41. Changanacherry Athiroopatha Innale Innu, Vol II p 271, Ed. Jacob Nellikkunnathu

    Those seven forane Churches were Edappalli, Arakkuzha, Anakkallu, Palai, Kuravilangadu, Changanacherry and Kalloorkkadu. Now, Syro Malabar Church has seven Dioceses in this geographical area- Ernakulam-Angamaly, Kothamangalam, Idukki, Palai, Changanahcerry, Kanjirappalli and Thuckalay

• Sixteenth Century Churches – Churches belonging to Catholics and Syriac Orthodox ( 1818 AD-Statistics)
• Focus II- History, Munnu Noyambu and Kappalottam -- Marth Mariam Church, Kuravilangad
• ‘The St. Thomas Christian Encyclopaedia of India’- Volume II , Chief Editor Prof.George Menachery
• “Christianity in India- a History in ecumenical perspective” by HC Perumalil and ER Hambye
• ‘The Indian Christians of St. Thomas’ by Dr. Leslie Brown
• Population Statistics and Demography of Saint Thomas Christians, Churches with historical references
• Ancient Churches with traditional dates of foundation & Stone Crosses of Kerala- Saint Thomas Cross, Nazraney Sthambams and other Persian Crosses

H C Perumalil CMI  and E R Hambye SJ are the editors of this Volume published in 1972.

Hormice C Perumalil CMI  is a priest who has worked on many mission roles from the Syro Malabar Church. He was the General Manager and General Editor of Prakasam publications, Alleppey. He has published numerous Christian literature in Malayalam and English. He is the Chief Editor of this ecumenical Volume on Christian history of India.

Dr. Edward Rene Hambye SJ, a native of Belgium was a professor of Church History and Eastern Christianity. He has authored numerous articles and books on Christianity in India, Eastern Churches in India and about Syro Malabar Church in particular. He was also associated with many ecumenical initiatives. He also brought in to light many source documents on Christian history in India. He came to India in 1950′s and worked in different roles until 1980′s when he moved to Pontifical Oriental Institute, Rome.  He is the associate editor of this volume.

Introduction

The idea of Preparing “History of Christianity in India- a history in ecumenical perspective” (1972) came from the celebration of the nineteenth hundredth year since the death of St. Thomas the Apostle in India.

According to H C Perumalil CMI, there has been several attempts both in India and abroad on publishing the Christian history in India. Some of those contributions fall short of expectations as they were either one sided or lacking jejune. However there were many special studies, on the many local Churches, regions, missionary societies, various works and associations, and personalities.

In the opinion of H C Perumalil, the only possible solution within the frame-work of a medium-size history is the ecumenical one as this approach can lead to a honest evaluation of Christian past in India.

A number of scholars such as K P Kesava Menon , Dr. E. R. Hambye, S.J , Dr. A. M. Mundadan, C.M.I, Dr. G.M.Moraes , Dr. J. Wicki, S.J, Dr. A. Meersman, O.F.M, Dr. Dominic OCD , Dr. N.J. Thomas S.S.T., M E Gibbs, Dr. T. V Philip has contributed in this endeavor.

Contents

Foreword by K P Kesava Menon

Preface by Dr. E. R. Hambye, S.J

CHAPTER 1. Origins of Christianity in India by Dr. A. M. Mundadan, C.M.I

CHAPTER II. Medieval Christianity in India

a) The Eastern Church by. Dr. E. R. Hambye, S.J.

b) The Latin Church by Dr. G.M.Moraes

CHAPTER III. The Portuguese Padroado in India in the 16th century and St. Francis Xavier by . Dr. J. Wicki, S.J

CHAPTER VI. The Latin Missions under the Jurisdiction of Padroado by  Dr. A. Meersman, O.F.M

CHAPTER V. The Eastern Church l6th.-l7th centuries by  Dr. A. Mundadan, C.M.l.

CHAPTER VI. The Latin Mission under the Jurisdiction of Propaganda (1637-1838) by Dr. Dominic OCD.

CHAPTER VII. The Catholic Church under the Portuguese Patronage Dr. G.M.Moraes

CHAPTER VIII. The Catholic Thomas Christians 1653-1970 Dr. E. R. Hambye, S.J.

CHAPTER IX. The Eastern Orthodox Church in India by Dr. N.J. Thomas S.S.T.

CHAPTER X. Anglican and Protestant Missions 1706-1857 By M E Gibbs

CHAPTER XI. The Catholic Church in India since the mid-19th century by Dr. A. Meersman, O.F.M.

CHAPTER XII. Protestant Christianity in India since 1858 by  Dr. T. V Philip

Conclusion by Dr. T. V. Philip

APPENDIX. The Armenian Christians in India Dr. E. R. Hambye, S.J.

Chronological Events

Bibliography and notes

Index

Contents in detail

CHAPTER 1. Origins of Christianity in India by Dr. A. M. Mundadan, C.M.I

This Chapter discuss about the Apostolic origins, Saint Thomas in India, Saint Bartholomew the Apostle and India, history of Christianity in India after the Apostolic times, The Church of India and Church of Persia.

CHAPTER II. Medieval Christianity in India

a)      The Eastern Church by. Dr. E. R. Hambye, S.J.

This Chapter discuss about the relationship between India and the Middle East, Expansion, Organization and Some striking customs.

b)      The Latin Church by Dr. G.M.Moraes

The topics covered are John of Monte Corvino passes through India in 1291-1292, Jordan Catlani of Sevarac, founder of latin missions in India, The missions Languish and the Last of the missionaries of the middle age to visit India.

CHAPTER III. The Portuguese Padroado in India in the 16th century and St. Francis Xavier by . Dr. J. Wicki, S.J

This Chapter discuss about the early history, origins of the Portuguese Padraodo Vs Portuguese Patronage, Indian dioceses, further developments, Religious, Missions and Education, Legislation and Titbes, The Padraodo, a tentative estimation, Saint Francis Xavier and India,

CHAPTER VI. The Latin Missions under the Jurisdiction of Padroado by  Dr. A. Meersman, O.F.M

This Chapter discuss about the Portuguese enclaves, their forts and settlements- Goa, Bessein, Bombay and neighborhood, Cochin and S India, Chaul, Diu and Sindh, In territories under the Indian princes, De Nobili and Madurai Mission, Bengal, The Mogul Mission, Expansion through Migration and the Eclipse of the Portuguese.

CHAPTER V. The Eastern Church l6th.-l7th centuries by Dr. A. Mundadan, C.M.l.

The topics discussed are Thomas Christians under Mar Jacob, Mar Joseph and Mar Abraham, The Synod of Diamper, Jesuit Bishops under the Padraodo and The Revolt of 1553.

CHAPTER VI. The Latin Mission under the Jurisdiction of Propaganda (1637-1838) by Dr. Dominic OCD

This Chapter discuss about the Religious and political conditions of the areas under the Padraodo in India, Propaganda and the Apostolic Vicariates in Missions, the first Apostolic Vicariate – Idalcan or of the Great Moghul, The 18^th Century- Conflicts and problems. The 19^th Century- Dawn of a new fire, The Vicariates of Malabar, later on of Verapoly, The Vicariates of Canara, The missions and prefectures of Surat, Madras and Pondichery, Surat mission, the Apostolic prefecture of Madras, the mission of Pondicherry, the missions of Coromandel under the foreign missionary society of Paris, Tibet and Nepal, the Vicariate of Tibet- Hindustan,

CHAPTER VII. The Catholic Church under the Portuguese Patronage Dr. G.M.Moraes

This Chapter is a general review of Catholic Church under the Portuguese Patronage in India.

CHAPTER VIII. The Catholic Thomas Christians 1653-1970 Dr. E. R. Hambye, S.J.

The topics covered in this Chapter are Deep troubles, Bishop Chandy- double jurisdiction, Attempts of Eastern prelates, Catholic Chaldean success and failures, Towards autonomy, Eastern hierarchy autonomy, Internal life and developments, Educational and religious progress, Apostolic Endeavour, Reunion and ecumenism- hopes and frustration and the Syro – Malankara Catholics.

CHAPTER IX. The Eastern Orthodox Church in India by Dr. N.J. Thomas S.S.T.

This Chapter discuss about the Koonan Cross and afterwards, Mar Thoma I, The Jacobite period, Mar Thoma VI alias Mar Dionysios the Great, a strange split, Mar Thoma VII, Mar Thoma VIII,  Mar Thoma IX, Mar Dionysios II, Mar Dionysios III, Mar Dionysios IV, Mar Dionysios V and the Mar Thoma Church, the present period or the Syrian Orthodox Church,  The first and second Catholicos, Catholicios Baselious Geevarghese II,  Another secession- the Malankara Catholics, Catholicos Mar Baselious II, the reunion of the parties, Catholicos Baselious Augen I, Retrospect and prospects.

CHAPTER X. Anglican and Protestant Missions 1706-1857 By M E Gibbs

This Chapter discuss about the early Anglicans, Lutherans at Tranquebar and in Tamilnadu, English societies and missions, W’ Carey and the Serampore Baptists, New British Missionary societies, the first Anglican hierarchy in India, Church Missionary Society and SPG in Tamilnadu, Church Missionary Society in Travancore, Church Missionary Society in Bengal and N India, American Missions in N India, The Gossner Missions, Scotish Presbyteries and educational pioneers, Conclusion.

CHAPTER XI. The Catholic Church in India since the mid-19th century by Dr. A. Meersman, O.F.M.

This Chapter discuss about the Restoration, Re organization and conflicts, Hierarchy in India, Expansion, Adivasi Catholics, Indianisation, World War I and aftermath, National cause and further Indianisation.

CHAPTER XII. Protestant Christianity in India since 1858 by  Dr. T. V Philip

This Chapter discuss about the Expansion of Christianity, Protestant Churches and social activities, Protestant Christian community and national movement, Growth of indigenous movements, Inter Church cooperation and Church union movements.

Conclusion by Dr. T. V. Philip

APPENDIX. The Armenian Christians in India Dr. E. R. Hambye, S.J.

Chronological Events

Bibliography and notes

Index

In General

The Book gives a detailed history of Christianity in India from an ecumenical perspective. This appears to be the first major ecumenical initiative about the Christian history of India. The book was published by Prakasam publications, Alleppey (Alappuzha) in 1972.

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Author can be reached on admin at nasrani dot net
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• ‘The St. Thomas Christian Encyclopedia of India’- Volume I -Prof. George Menachery
• ‘The St. Thomas Christian Encyclopaedia of India’- Volume II , Chief Editor Prof.George Menachery
• ‘East of the Euphrates- Early Christianity in Asia’ by T.V. Philip
• “The Arrival of the Portuguese in India and the Thomas Christians under Mar Jacob 1498-1552” by Dr. Mathias Mundadan
• ‘The Indian Christians of St. Thomas’ by Dr. Leslie Brown
• Mission of Pantaenus in India and Saint Bartholomew, the Apostle in India
• “Kerala, the Cradle of Christianity in South Asia”-a DVD Documentary on the cultural interface of religion and music- An eye opener to the Religio cultural identity of the St. Thomas Christians in Kerala.

Here is a video documentary presenting the religio cultural identity of St Thomas Christians in a nutshell, in 34 minutes. It is produced by the Christian Musicological Society of India in collaboration with the Department of Mass Media and Education of the Sacred Heart Province of the Carmelites of Mary Immaculate, and the Department of Tourism of the State Government of Kerala, India. This DVD documentary opens up the evolution of the Syriac Christianity in India from the perspective of the cultural interface of religion and music. This is a wonderful project undertaken by the renowned ethno musicologist and researcher, Rev Dr. Joseph Palackal, a CMI priest from India. Fr. Palackal, in his speech on the releasing function of this DVD documentary, commented that this is an attempt to proclaim the identity of the St. Thomas Christian community in India. This approach is very important as the community is undergoing an identity crisis. The leaders of the community are still continuing with endless discussions and negotiations in search of our real identity. Fr. Palackal’s research into the history, traditions and culture of St. Thomas Christians is very appropriate in this context.

www.youtube.com/watch?v=UruJrxlJHaQ

Saint Thomas Christians claim that we are Indians, but in reality,  it is a mixture of many cultures. South Indian population is mainly Dravidians. They have millennia old cultural, social and trade connections with the Middle East. Pahlavi and Syriac were popular in this geographical area. The Aramaic edicts of Asoka of BC 273-231 in north western India bear witness to the importance of the language and the presence of Aramaic speaking people in the region even before the time of Christ.^[1]

Many of the south Indian place names with “ur” came from Aramaic with the same meaning as in Aramaic- town or village or residence. In Kerala, places like Kodungallur, Palayur, Udayamperur, Parur, Ollur, etc. are ancient Syriac Christian centres.^[2]

Our forefathers received the apostolic experience of Christ in this cultural milieu. This is clearly seen in our church architecture, church art, rock crosses and inscriptions. The St Thomas Crosses are seen widespread in South India and South Asia as a Religio Cultural logo of St Thomas Christians. Many ancient Persian Crosses are found in several places in South Asia like Kottayam, Muttuchira, Kothanalloor, Kadamattom, Mylappore, Anuradhapura in Ceylon, Goa, and even at Lahore in Pakistan-Taxilla cross- which shows the common cultural heritage of the ancient St Thomas Christianity prevalent in this region. This clearly indicates that we have a cultural identity of our own. The same identity is seen in our way of worship also. Many researchers have noted that the Syriac tunes used in Malabar was distinct from those used in Mesopotamia showing a distinct cultural adaptation in worship.^[3]

Our tradition and culture are our distinct identity in this multi cultural multi ethnic south Indian community. Our forefathers were very keen in preserving it for us. They stood for the ancient liturgy of Syro Malabar Church, the Indo Chaldean Qurbana, for centuries, even against the might of the Portuguese Prelates. Arch Bishop Ross had to write to his Jesuit General in 1619 “the Serra must be kept in its Chaldean form”. –date 21st Nov. 1619.^[4]

It is our duty to preserve this cultural identity for the future generations. Tradition, for a Christian, is a reality of receiving, living and communicating. In this sense, tradition has triple dimension of past, present and future.^[5] Removing any of these or adding something is demolition of our tradition and cultural identity, and finding a new one.

www.youtube.com/watch?v=oBUQQw0bOy0

When we discuss about inculturation, it is not removing or changing all we had for millennia. The question of inculturation arises when our culture was forcefully distorted. Adaptations always happen voluntarily. For St Thomas Christians, we have to follow the wisdom of our forefathers who were Christians in faith, east Syrians in liturgy and Indians in culture. They kept up the identity and distinctiveness of the Christian faith without mixing with other faith expressions. They preserved the same liturgy which is common to all east Syrian churches and led their ordinary day to day life integrating the culture of the places where they lived. They made adaptations in the para liturgical services for example, services for the death, and celebrations attached to baptism, marriage, funeral etc.^[6]

Fr. Joseph Palackal deserves due appreciation in his commitment to the community to present the history and preserve traditions by his research work. His famous work of Syriac music prevailed in Kerala and the Music CD- “Qambel Maran – Syriac Chants from South India” attracted interests from many circles that the CD Qambel Maran is going to be reprinted from PAN records, Nederlands. That was another unique attempt to present and preserve the ancient music tradition of the Catholic Syriac St Thomas Christians by getting it sung by very senior Syro Malabar Priests and traditional family choir who used to sing those regularly before vernacularisation of the liturgy.

www.youtube.com/watch?v=602HzFC1FDM

This documentary has also attracted attention during its screening at various stages. Now, it has been selected for the prestigious Queens International Film Festival and has been nominated for the best foreign documentary. Queen’s International film festival is commendable for it’s rich cultural diversity that has created the film notables like John Barrymore, Lucy Liu, Francis Ford Coppola, Martin Scorcese, Rudolph Valentino, Susan Sarandon, Mary Pickford, Carol O’Connor, Louis Armstrong, Tony Bennett et al.^[7]

History is always a delicate subject. Historians should be honest and should have a research mentality to carefully examine the facts and present the story with available evidence. History is not a fantasy of the historian. Many historians who presented the history of St Thomas Christians did it on the perspective of their representative church denominations and certain narrow minded political agenda. This has caused misrepresentation of certain facts and has created wide spread confusion among the researchers. The best example for this is the recent group rivalry and related controversy about the St Thomas Cross within the Syro Malabar church presenting it as a non Christian, Manichean cross; the subsequent media propaganda led those accusations cited in published books as facts, and now the neo Manicheans in Europe are rewriting their history quoting these citations. Fr Palackal should be admired for his intellectual honesty in representing the facts and impartial approach to history. The authenticity and authoritativeness of this project are evident from the list of contributors, research consultants and subject experts behind this project.

The video starts with one of the ancient traditional songs called “pen pattu”-songs of women-sung on marriage festivities in the past, now preserved only among the Southist community- “Marthomman nanmayalonnu thudangunnoo,………” –“The ceremony is begun by the blessings of Mar Thoma, may it be well performed”.^[8] This song reminds us about our glorious past with the cultural interlace of religion and music. The story progresses with the perspective of a young boy of the Diaspora community living outside India who hasn’t had any contact with our culture and tradition. His grandfather is introducing him to the colourful story of our community. The story is narrated in a question answer form. This is a unique approach as this will help foreigners and children of the Diaspora community to understand our culture and traditions.

The DVD takes us through the different chronological events in the history of the Syriac Christian community in Kerala. Arrival of St Thomas the Apostle in Kodungalloor, his evangelisation work in Malabar and martyrdom at Mylappore etc. are shown graphically using a map which is very helpful to understand the route and places in relation to one another. The East Syrian immigration under the leadership of Thomas of Kana is also presented in a narrative form with the help of maps and pictures as an example of evangelisation by transplantation of a Christian community into a sister church.^[9]

Stunning images from Kottayam Valiya Palli, with its murals and ancient Persian crosses with Pahlavi and Syriac inscriptions attracts everyone with a curiosity. Images of ancient church architecture and its similarity with Hindu places of worship, flag posts around the churches, nilavilakku- the traditional oil lamps, ornamental umbrellas etc. are presented to show the rich mosaic of our cultural heritage.

Arrival of Portuguese missionaries, their attempts of latinisation and the infamous synod of Diamper, the intense resistance of the St Thomas Christian community against latinisation to preserve our age old traditions and liturgy, the tragic division of the Community with one group seeking allegiance to the Patriarch of Antioch etc are narrated with no chance of any accusation of conflicts of interests.

www.youtube.com/watch?v=w3yQgntmx3Y

Subsequent history of the Jacobite Syrian faction, their contact with the Protestant missionaries-The mission of help, reformation movement and formation of Mar Thoma Syrian Church etc. are also discussed making this documentary covering the history of all groups and denominations of St Thomas Christianity. Explanations and origins with their affiliations, liturgy, doctrine of faith etc. of all groups of St Thomas Christianity are discussed. The contributions of various experts in the history of St Thomas Christians like Fr Mathias Mundadan, Prof. George Menacherry, Mar Aprem Metropolitan of the Chaldean Church of Trichur, Dr.Fr K M George, the Principal of the Syrian Orthodox seminary at Kottayam etc make this a multi denominational project that stands up among others.

The documentary also presents various cultural elements in the life of St Thomas Christians like “Margam Kali”, traditional songs like “pen pattu”, Syriac chants like “Bar marium” etc which are sung during the marriage ceremony. Video clips from the Procession of the feast of St Mary, at the famous St Mary’s church Pallippuram is beautifully presented as the rich socio religious inculturation of St Thomas Christians.

It looks very beautiful when an ancient black and white photograph of a marriage ceremony published in the book “Nasranies” by George Menacherry was transformed into a movie clip in the documentary. Jain Joseph, the director and cinematographer of the DVD should be congratulated for his marvellous contribution to the artistic superiority of this project.

www.youtube.com/watch?v=42VDoHDjrvc

Fr Joseph Palackal presents the unique identity of St Thomas Christians within the multi cultural context of south India with the phrase- “Mar Thomaade margavum vazhipadum”- “the way and lineage of St Thomas”. A similar idea was proclaimed by another Indian priest with the same name Joseph in 1516 AD- the famous “Joseph the Indian” by the phrase “Thomayuade Niyamam” by his famous comparison of the “law of Thomas” against the “law of Peter” when he had a conflict with a Portuguese missionary Fr Alvaro Panteado at the church at Kodungalloor in AD 1516^[10] which was discussed well even in the synod of Diamper also.

Liturgical life and identity of the St Thomas Christians are also shown as clips from Syro Malabar Raza in Syriac, “Itho itho” and other West Syriac chants from Syriac Orthodox liturgy, liturgy of the Church of the East etc.

www.youtube.com/watch?v=IyFVKUThRSg

The renewed attempts of Indianisation of the Syro Malabar church is also mentioned in the documentary with due importance. The Indianised song “christu sahasra namam” is very beautifully sung by Fr Palackal himself. This reminds us that there are still room for Indianisation in Syriac churches. Other than our Qurbana, all other pious activities in the Syro Malabar church, which were introduced during and after the Synod of Diamper, are mere imitation of the Latin Church. This documentary is giving us a strong message to indianise those western imitations to preserve our cultural identity. Many of the activities undertaken in the Syro Malabar Church in the name of Indianisation and inculturation, even without proper authority or discussions, were mere adaptation of current Sanskrit hegemony in Hindu Culture. They are the root cause of identity crisis in the community. The real Indian posture for prayers and offerings is “ad orientum”- priest facing the deity together with the community. It is surprising to see that the advocates of indianisation and inculturation are opposing “ad orientum” in the liturgy which was the tradition until 1960s, against “ad populum” which is just a Latin imitation! One also has to bear in mind that too much indianisation can lock the church into a mere caste in the Indian system.

The documentary has not missed the history of the Latin Church and their heritage. The essential statistics, social services and other activities of the Church in Kerala are also discussed making this an informative documentary and a source of reference. The Documentary presents the zealous missionary spirit of the Church in Kerala and it interestingly shows that in the past, Missionaries tended to come to India and now, Indian Priests are involved in missionary work in all continents and even preaching many European and American parishes.

www.youtube.com/watch?v=r95u6M2KIDg

Altogether, this DVD is an eye opener to all St Thomas Christians to embrace and proclaim their identity. There are many people living outside India who probably because of their ignorance, hesitate to proclaim our identity. Even priests from India are not an exception. There are several examples as many Syro Malabar communities outside India or Kerala have Malayalam Qurbana and Catholic Associations, not Syro Malabar Qurbana and Syro Malabar Catholic Associations. There are exceptions also as many European parishes are seen publishing accounts of St Thomas Christianity in their websites introducing this vibrant community into their parishes.

This DVD should be shown to every child in our Diaspora community. I recommend our community associations to present one copy of this DVD to each community library and school to show the people our identity which will help them to understand us and thus effective integration of our community in the land they live in.

This will be a very good introduction to many future researchers and students in the field of Religion and Culture, Indio logy, Ethno musicology etc. I think Rev Dr Joseph Palackal is doing a great job that can be a model for the Liturgical Research centre of the Syro Malabar church. The Community and the official church should appreciate the work he is doing.

This DVD is available from Christian Musicological Society of India in PAL and NTSC format. The contact details are found in their website www.thecmsindia.org. Thanks to Rev Dr Joseph Palackal for permission to include a few video clips from the DVD in this article.

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Author M Thomas Antony can be reached by email at – m dot Thomas dot antony at live.co.uk.
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NSC NETWORK Article Footnotes

1. 1.Ven S Dhanmika, The edicts of King Asoka, (1993); Wikipedia article -- Edicts of Asoka. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Edicts_of_Asoka
2. 2. T P Elias, East Syrian Missions to Asia with special reference to Malabar coast from sixth century to sixteenth century AD and its influence on Indian religious community and its culture, Thesis submitted to the degree of Ph D in Syriac studies, Mahatma Gandhi University, Kerala, India, SEERI, Baker Hill, Kottayam, Kerala, India, 2004
3. 3.Fr Jose Kochuparambil, “How far inculturated is the Syro Malabar Liturgy, Further possibilities of inculturation”, in “Inculturation and The Syro Malabar church”, Ed B Puthur, LRC Publications.
4. 4. History of Christianity in India, Joseph Thekkedathu p87
5. 5.Arch Bishop Joseph Powathil, “Church as Tradition”, in “Church and its most basic elements”, Ed Paul Pallathu, 1995, pp 91-107
6. 6.Thomas Mannooramparambil, “Response to the paper on the Holy See, Malabar Bishops Conference, and the Syro Malabar Bishops Synod on the inculturation of Syro Malabar liturgy, a study” in “Inculturation and the Syro Malabar Church), Ed. B Puthur, LRC
7. 7. http://www.queensfilmfestival.com/about/mission/
8. 8.L K Anantha Krishna Ayyar, The anthropology of the Syrian Christians, 1926, appendix C-cited from P U Luke, Ancient Songs of Malabar, Quoted from “The Nasranies”,Indian Church History Classics, Ed Prof George Menacherry.
9. 9. Rev Dr Jacob Kollaparambil, Knanaya Community in Kerala History, (Malayalam) Catechetical commission, Kottayam diocese
10. 10.Fr. Antony Vallavanthara CMI, “India in 1500 AD”, Georgias Press

• ‘The St. Thomas Christian Encyclopaedia of India’- Volume II , Chief Editor Prof.George Menachery
• Sixteenth Century Churches – Churches belonging to Catholics and Syriac Orthodox ( 1818 AD-Statistics)
• ‘The Indian Christians of St. Thomas’ by Dr. Leslie Brown
• ‘The St. Thomas Christian Encyclopedia of India’- Volume I -Prof. George Menachery
• ‘St. Thomas Christians and Nambudiris, Jews and Sangam Literature – A Historical Appraisal’, Bosco Puthur (Editor)
• Ancient Churches with traditional dates of foundation & Stone Crosses of Kerala- Saint Thomas Cross, Nazraney Sthambams and other Persian Crosses
• ‘Origin of Christianity in India’ by Dr.Benedict Vadakkekara

Dr. Mundadan is a senior professor at the Dharmaram College, Bangalore. He took his Doctorate in Church History from the Gregorian University, Rome. Part of his dissertation has been published in two Volumes. He has also authored many books and articles. Mundadan is also associated with the ecumenical initiative- Indian Church History Journal and is the Author of the ICHR Volume I- “History of Christianity in India”.

Contents in detail

The period chosen for this study is an important period in the history of the Christians of Saint Thomas. This is about their first contacts with the Portuguese: first half of the Sixteenth century, from 1498 to 1552 AD. Earlier there was no satisfactory effort to pursue the available documentation, the main deterrent being the difficulty to access sources. According to the Author, the situation has changed recently. The publication of many of the 16th century documents by Fr. Schurhammer SJ, Fr. Wicki SJ, Dr. Silva Rego etc has opened up new vistas.

The phenomenal encounter of East with the West was launched in Malabar Coast when Vasco da Gama set foot on the shores of Calicut on May 21st 1498. Both to the Portuguese and the Indian Christians the meeting came as revelation. But the end result was not so brilliant. Seeds of the unhappy developments of the later years and centuries were already sown from the very beginning. According to the Author, this was a question of two different mentalities, that of Malabar Christians and of the Portuguese. This was due to the Oriental Christian and Indian mentality of the native Christians and the sixteenth century mentality of the Portuguese Christians.

Foreword
Preface
Contents
Abbreviations
Archives and Manuscripts Consulted
Bibliography

Chapter I THE THREE WORLDS

Till the arrival of the Portuguese the Thomas Christians were living as if in two worlds. They were living in the geographical, political and social world of Malabar and their ecclesiastical world which was more or less Chaldean in Character. The Chaldean prelates governed the Church. The Thomas Christians shared the theological, juridical and liturgical traditions of the Chaldean Church.

The Church of Malabar was, subject to the spiritual jurisdiction of the Church of Chaldea or Persia. The Thomas Christians of Malabar were governed by bishops sent by the Patriarch of the Church till the year 1599. After the celebration of the Synod of Diamper in 1599, the Malabar Church was made a subject to the jurisdiction of latin bishops under the Patronage ( the Padroado) of the Portuguese crown.

Mar Jacob, a Chaldean bishop was sent to India in company with two or three other prelates, by the Chaldean Patriarch in the year 1503-4. The other prelates who came with him or who were there in Malabar already before his arrival, all but perhaps one, left Malabar or died soon. Thus Malabar Church came under the sole rule of Mar Jacob from the early years of the sixteenth century.

With the arrival of Portuguese they are introduced in to a new world, the latin or western Christendom. These worlds are described in the first chapter.

1. The Malabar
a. Geographically
b. Politically
c. The People of Malabar
d. The Christians of Malabar

2. The Chaldean Church
a. The Political background
b. The Church
c. The Chaldean Church and the Church of Malabar

3. The Latin Christendom as represented by the Portuguese
a. In General
b. Spain and Portugal
c. The Portuguese Civil and Ecclesiastical Administration in India

Chapter II THE FIRST CONTACTS

Chapter two details the initial enthusiasm of the encounter. An analysis is also done about the motives of the Portuguese in sending their first expedition to India. It also examine how far the attempts of the Portuguese were motivated by the crusade idea and the classical search of the West for the legendary Prestor John.

1. Introductory Remarks

2. Vasco da Gama’s First Voyage to India ( 1498)

3. Cabral’s voyage to India ( 1500)

4. Vasco da Gama’s Second Journey to India ( 1503)

5. Other Relations of Christians of Saint Thomas with the Portuguese till about 1520

Conclusion

Chapter III THE LATIN PRIESTS AND THE THOMAS CHRISTIANS

The Portuguese missionaries influence appears to have real impact on the life of Saint Thomas Christians only from the year 1516/7. From then the opposing view points of Thomas Christians and the Portuguese missionaries come out openly. This Chapter examines the question of mutual relations from the opposing angles.

1. Introductory Remarks

2. The Chaldean Bishops

3. From the beginnings till 1524
a. The Portuguese Apostolate among Thomas Christians till 1516
b. Father Alvaro Penteado
c. Mar Jacob’s letter of 1524

4. From 1524 till 1530
a. The Cranganore Church burnt
b. Penteado again
c. Mar Jacob and the Franciscans

5. The Events from 1530 till 1536
a. The Young Bishop
b. Latinizing Simon

Conclusion

Chapter IV THE LAST YEARS OF MAR JACOB AND THE CRANGANORE COLLEGE

This chapter details the organized efforts of Portuguese missionaries to change the mode of life of the Thomas Christian community.

1. Introductory Remarks

2. The General Events

3. The Cranganore College
a. Frey Vincente de Lagos
b. The College
c. The nature of the training given in the college

4. The last years of Mar Jacob
a. Mar Jacob and the College of Cranganore
b. Mar Jacob’s retirement
c. His death

Conclusion

Chapter V CONCLUSION

The Conclusion is an analysis, based on the facts explained in earlier chapters from the primary sources, of the relation of the Thomas Christians and the Portuguese during this first stage of contacts.

1. The attitude of Thomas Christians towards the Portuguese
2. The attitude of Portuguese towards the Thomas Christians

Conclusion

Alphabetical Index
Maps- Malabar 16th Century
- Central portion of the same.

In General

This book gives a very detailed description of the contacts with Portuguese in the first half of sixteenth century from primary sources. The list of the documents and manuscripts consulted is also provided.

It also describes the personalities of the period 1498-1552 AD. The saintly Mar Jacob, who governed the Thomas Christian Church and who was warmly recommended to the Portuguese King by Saint Francis Xavier. The Kathanar, Joseph the Indian who visited Rome in sixteenth century. Alvaro Penteado, who wanted to change the rite of Thomas Christians to latin rite. Frei Vicente de Lagos, who founded the College of Cranganore etc are some of them.

The meeting of the West and East in Malabar soil was phenomenal. The Portuguese found the realization of their hopes and dreams in coming in to contact with the true Christians of India and the Indian Christians came to know the shape and form of the Christian world.

The Portuguese interest, sympathy and their love for the Thomas Christians was immense. The Thomas Christians, were perhaps behind the Portuguese in their reciprocation. By the arrival of Portuguese the community of Thomas Christians stood many gains. Their prestige rose in the eyes of their non Christian compatriots. Their rights and privileges were more scrupulously respected. They were also brought in to direct contact with Western Christianity and their faith became more and more definite.

According to the Author, all this and more would have achieved more easily and more happy with out resentment had the Portuguese, a little more care to study the nature of Oriental Christianity and the Indian mentality. If they were following what Carneiro and friends told these Christians in the mid century “ Both you and we hold the same faith: the difference of customs matters little” many unfortunate incidents would have been avoided. But history tells a different story.

The death of Mar Jacob about 1552 had a special importance from the Portuguese point of view. This was the opening of a stage in their sustained effort to bring the Thomas Christians under latin jurisdiction and rite. Mar Jacob’s presence was a symbol of the relation of the Church of Malabar with the Chaldean Church and by his death this was broken. The attitude of the Portuguese from that time on appears to be led by this impression. The presence in Malabar of any prelate coming from Chaldea becomes increasingly intolerable to them. All kinds of vigilance and precaution are taken to prevent any one entering India from those regions. If some one appeared suddenly he is considered as “thief and robber”.

There is very little material available from Indian side for this period. This consists of a letter of the Chaldean prelates and two letters of Mar Jacob. According to the author despite this, by relaying on Portuguese records we get a more or less comprehensive view of the mind of Thomas Christians.

The book, 164 pages was first published in 1967 by Dharmaram College, Bangalore. The book is priced at Rs. 10/- and is out of stock.

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Author can be reached on admin at nasrani dot net
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• “Christianity in India- a History in ecumenical perspective” by HC Perumalil and ER Hambye
• ‘The St. Thomas Christian Encyclopaedia of India’- Volume II , Chief Editor Prof.George Menachery
• ‘The Indian Christians of St. Thomas’ by Dr. Leslie Brown
• ‘East of the Euphrates- Early Christianity in Asia’ by T.V. Philip
• ‘The St. Thomas Christian Encyclopedia of India’- Volume I -Prof. George Menachery
• ‘Origin of Christianity in India’ by Dr.Benedict Vadakkekara
• ‘The Thomas Christians’ by Placid Podipara

DIVISION OF ST THOMAS CHRISTIANS

Until the time of the synod of Diamper, there was no evidence available to suggest any divisions among the Syrian Christians. After the Synod of Diamper (AD 1599) – the Coonan Cross Oath ( AD 1653 )- prompted the division of the community and both parties claimed over different churches. After the Coonan Cross Oath, the whole Nasrani community was divided into two groups, one continued to be loyal to the Roman Catholic Church keeping the East Syriac liturgy and traditions, called the “old party” or “Pazhayacoor” and the other under the Archdeacon known as new party or “Puthencoor”. Both were using the same liturgy and traditions for some time, but later, the Puthencoor moved towards the Church of Antioch and adopted the West Syriac liturgy and traditions and thus made the name “Puthencoor” appropriate.

As the community was divided, the churches were also divided among them into two groups. There were a third group of churches which remained to be shared between these two communities.

At the time of the Coonan Cross Oath, vast majority of people and churches remained loyal to the Arch Deacon. There are different accounts. “Out of the assumed 200,000 population, only 400 remained loyal to the Portuguese”.^[1]

Joseph Thekkedathu reports that “some of them speak of 200 laymen and 15-25 Cathanaars. Others say that there were about 1000 laymen and 15 Cathanaars. In any case, it is clear that they were but an insignificant minority” ^[2]

After the Coonan Cross oath, the Arch deacon was consecrated as a Metropolitan by twelve Cathanaars at Alangadu on 22 May, 1653. The available historical evidences show that this revolt was against Arch Bishop Garcia and the Portuguese authorities and not against the Roman Church or Pope of Rome.This is evident from the available documents regarding the declarations on the occasion and a letter sent to the Portuguese captain at Cochin. ^[3]

Angamali Padiyola in 1787 reads “upon this, our forefathers assembled at Muttancherry and took an oath that neither they themselves nor their descendants, should ever have anything to do with the Paulists.”^[4]

A Church Mission Society report for 1818-19 states-“After this, all the Syrians assembled at Muttancherry, and thus resolved-These Portuguese having murdered Mar Ignatius, we will no longer join them. We renounce them, and do not want either love or their favour. The present Francis Bishop shall not be our Governor.We are not his children or followers. We will not again acknowledge Portuguese bishops”.^[5]

The whole St Thomas Christians were in communion with the Pope of Rome through the Chaldean catholic church after the division in the Church of the East in 1552 and with the arrival of Mar Joseph Sulaqa and Mar Elias in 1555. Since the arrival of Portuguese in 1498, the St Thomas Christians were in friendship with them and they were allowed to preach and celebrate mass in the Nasrani churches.Even the Portuguese missionaries established a seminary to train the St Thomas Chrisitians at Kodungalloor in 1541. It has to be noted that two Cathanaars of the St Thomas Christians travelled to Portugal with Portuguese General Cabral and one of them- “Joseph the Indian” as described in the literature visited the Pope Alexander VI.  Joseph the Indian was interviewed by some Venicians who published it European languages. ^[6]

This Joseph The Indian was among the delegation to visit the East Syriac Patriarch Simon  in AD 1490 who ordained both of them- Joseph and George- as Priests. ^[7]

The East Syrian prelates at that time were also friendly with the Portuguese. This is evident from the letters of Mar Jabalaha, Mar Denha and Mar Yakob to the Patriarch of Babylon in 1504. ^[8]

Because of this background, the Arch Deacon and the leaders claimed the mandate of the Pope of Rome for his consecration as a Bishop. The letters read at the time of consecration claimed that it was according to the authority given by the Pope to Mar Ahattalla. When Mar Gregoriose, the Metropolitan from the Church of Antioch arrived, he was also projected as a Bishop appointed by the Pope.^[9]

EFFORTS OF RECONCILIATION

This revolt shook the might of the missionaries, and the Portuguese inquisition team tried to reconcile. Their attempts failed as the Arch Deacon and the leadership were not interested in any negotiations. The Portuguese authorities referred the issue to Rome.

As the Portuguese could successfully convince some of the leaders of St Thomas Christians that this consecration was not legitimate, a section of St Thomas Christians were unhappy about the situation. Two of the 4 advisories of the Arch deacon, Palli veettil Chandy Cathanaar and Kadavil Chandy Cathanaar were among them.

Rome intervened and sent two sets of Carmelite Missionaries to the St Thomas Christians in two routes under the leadership of Fr Joseph Maria (arrived Malabar by AD 1657) and Fr Vincent of Hyacinth, (arrived Malabar by AD 1658).

When it was clear that the Consecration of the Arch Deacon was not legitimate, and the Arch Deacon did not have the mandate of the Pope, many people renounced the Arch deacon. Joseph Maria returned to Rome and got consecrated as a Bishop for St Thomas Christians as Joseph Sebastiani 1659.

Now, St Thomas Christians became freed from the Jesuits and the Arch Bishop Garcia and they have a new Bishop who is not a Jesuit but a Carmelite. This was what the Arch deacon demanded soon after the Coonan Cross oath.^[10]

Within a year, Sebastiani could win 40 churches and by 1663, 84 churches were under Roman obedience and only 32 remained with the Arch deacon.^[11]

Later, Political situation became hostile for the Catholic side as Dutch captured Cochin in 1663 and Sebastiani had to leave. He consecrated Palliveettil Chandy Cathanaar as a Bishop for the St Thomas Christians and Vicar Apostolic of the Arch Diocese of Angamali on 1 February 1663.

This made two rival factions with native leaders, Palliveettil Chandy Cathanaar with a legitimate Bishopric consecration and Mar Thoma I without a legitimate Bishopric consecration which made it easy for Palliveettil Chandy Metran to win more people.

Another factor for the success of the missionaries was the political tactics by the Portuguese by taking the local Rajahs on their sides to make them compel the Christians to submit to the Catholic fold. Fr Hyacinth could expel the Arch Deacon from Kaduthuruthy with the help of the king of Vadakkumkoor and banned fromentering the Kingdom of Cochin. ^[12]

With the help of the Portuguese General, Ignatius Sermento, Sebastiani obtained the submission of several churches in the Kingdom of Cochin.^[13]

Churches at Champakulam and Kudamalur under the King of Purakkad stayed with the Arch Deacon until 1659 when the King of Purakkad ordered them to join the Pazhayacoor. ^[14]

James Hough in his book describes how cold the reception to Carmelite Bishop Joseph Sebastiani at Champakulam on 25 Aug 1661 even when the Rajah of Purakkad sent an Officer to the occasion to compel people. ^[15]

At this point, the Arch Deacon’s position became very critical and he decided to negotiate with the Jesuits in 1655. He sent a Cathanaar to the rector of the Jesuit seminary at Ambalakkadu with the message that he wished to make his submission to the Catholic Church provided it could be effected without loss of honour and without humiliation. ^[16]

Further negotiations continued and it was thought that the division among St Thomas Christians was going to end but all changed on arrival of Mar Gregorios from the Church of Antioch in 1665. Mar Gregorios was also received by the Arch Deacon as a Metropolitan sent by the Pope. But Cathanaars and people under the Arch deacon became unhappy on the new way of celebration of Qurbana by the new Bishop Mar Gregorios. Mar Thoma I persuaded him to use the local rite, which he did refusing only to use unleavened bread. ^[17]

This unhappiness also might have helped the catholic side.

CATALOGUE OF ANCIENT CHURCHES

Some authors have tried to catalogue the ancient Nasrani churches in the past. There is documentation available about the churches at the time of the synod of Diamper. Various authors and authorities have catalogued the churches viz. Menesis 1599, Raulini 1745, Du Perron 1758, Paoli 1760, Whitehouse 1873.White house, in his book, interestingly reviewed the available literature at his time and published a comparison table in his book Lingerings of light in the dark land which is very helpful to identify the places as the names of different places are pronounced differently by different authors and some place names have changed over time.

CHURCHES AT THE TIME OF SYNOD OF DIAMPER

This is a list of Christian churches/ congregations present at the time of the Synod of Diamper.The list was compiled by Mr P J Tomy as an appendix to his article Kerala Coast, the Portuguese contributions. This contains both Syrian and Latin churches. This list was compiled on the basis of Antoneo de Gouvea’s book “Jornada do Arcebispo de Goa Dom Frei Alexio de menezes Primaz da India Orientali, Religiosoda Ordem de S. Agostinho. Quando foy as Serras do malavar, & lugaresem que moralo os antigos Chrisaos de S. Thomae & os tirou de muytos erros & obdeiencia da Santa Igreja Romana, da qual passava de mil annos que estavo & reduzio a nossa Sancta Fe Catholica & obediencia da Santa Igreja Romana, da qual passava de mil annosqhe estavao apartados” and its quotations in books by Bernard TOCD, Placid Podipara, D Jessole, and Bishop Arattukulam.^[18]

Indistinct locations

The following churches are labelled as Latin rite in the list  according to Placid Podipara.^[19]

Varapuzha, Chetwa (Citna by Rantin) Thiruvanathapuram, Pallipuram (Baleport), Chathiathu, Vendurathi, Mattancherry,Dumina NS de salute (Saudi), Manasserry, (St.Luis-Raulin) Mundanveli,Edacochin (Castella-Raulin) S. Andre (Arthunkal-Raulin- with two chapels)

In addition to the above the following churches were also Latin rite according to Bernard TOCD. Kannur, Kozhikode,Kodungallor (two churches) ,Chattukulangara, Kundara, Manongats, Thevalakkara.^[20]

It looks like this list contains many duplications as many places are pronounced differently in different books and time periods and many different pronunciations are listed as different churches. Some of the affiliations are also not correct.

CHURCHES AND THEIR AFFILIATIONS AFTER THE COONAN CROSS OATH.- CATALOGUE OF THOMAS WHITEHOUSE

Thomas Whitehouse has compared the churches according to the local kingdoms, their affiliation to Jacobite Syrian, Catholic Syrian and mixed according to four different authors which make it very helpful to compare and identify the places easily.^[21]

It seems that the affiliation and region were compiled by Du Perron as on 1758. It seems that some of the places are not keeping with the regions and some of the affiliation is wrong.

Kingdom of Cochin -

Kingdom of the Samorin

Kingdom of Paru, NE of Cochin

Kingdom of Bellouta Tavagi ( Angamali)

Kingdom of Mangate or Karta Tavagi

Klanganour Sorousan, NW of Cochin

Barekangour(Wadakkencore) SE & SSE of Cochin

Tekengour ( Thekkencore) SW of Cochin

Porca Shembanasheri Sourouvam ( porcada)

Alikoulam Scherravi, and other tavagis and nambouris

Koulan (Quilon)

Ancient Travancore

POPULATION STATISTICS

We have already seen that at the time of the Coonan Cross oath, vast majority of St Thomas Christians were with the Archdeacon. But, due to the following factors, majority of them returned to the catholic fold-

1. The revolt was not against Pope or Catholic Church. The replacement of Jesuits with Carmelites who got the recommendation earlier from Archdeacon
2. The Claims of Archdeacon and Party having the mandate of Pope was proved wrong by Carmelite missionaries
3. Political tactics of the Portuguese by winning the local Kings in favour of them. This was evident in the kingdoms of Vadakkumkoor, Purakkadu and Cochin.
4. Change in the Political scene as the Dutch captured Cochin. The Portuguese were in a troubled time with increasing attacks from Dutch during the entire period. So, they were willing to yield much for reconciliation which was seen in their attitude.
5. At one point, Palliveettil Chandy Metran had legitimate Bishopric consecration while Mar Thoma I was still waiting for a legitimate Bishopric consecration.
6. Previous relation to the Catholic church and Pope via the Chaldean Bishops at the last part of the Babylonian connection and about 100 years of communion of which the last fifty years under Portuguese Padraodo bishops.
7. There was no permanent division till 1665. Only after the arrival of Mar Gregorious, the permanent division happened in the community.

Whitehouse reviews the available data of population statistics by different authors as he comments “some strangely exaggerated statements as to the numerical strengths of the Syrians in former times having found their way into print, and being repeated by one writer after another, some remarks on the subject of statistics are called for”. He continues,^[22]

The oldest well authenticated report about the population statistics of Syriac Christians are seen in the letters of four East Syriac Bishops to their Patriarch Elias  in 1504-“There are here about thirty thousand Christian families holding the same faith as ourselves, and they pray to the Lord that we may be preserved unhurt.”

Roulini enlists the churches of the Christians of St Thomas as 113 out of a total of 128.Of these 113, he calls 30 as schismatics –as Jacobite Syrians and the rest 83 as Catholic Syrians.^[23]

Du Perron enlists 31 Jacobite Syrian, 57 Catholic Syrians and 20 mixed. (1758).

Paoli, a Carmelite missionary, lists 118 churches of which 83 were loyal to Rome and 35 independent of Rome.

Mar Gabriel to Visscher, the Dutch Captain- that of the original 64 churches of the diocese, the Syrians had 44 and the Carmelites 20. Whitehouse comments that “he under rated the numerical strength of the Romo Syrian party, but probably had in his mind only the old churches over which his predecessors exercised jurisdiction.” Here, we need to find out what did he mean by Syrians. Mar Gabriel was a Nestorian Bishop who came to Malabar in 1708.When he arrived, a large number of Catholic Syrian and Jacobite Syrian parishes joined him thus creating a middle party under him. All of them returned to their former affiliations after his death. He might have mentioned the number of churches accepting him compared to those of Carmelites.^[24]

Stephen Neill says in “History of Christianity in India”.

“Attempts to calculate the number of St Thomas Christians and their parishes which adhered to the rival bishops cannot be more than tentative since our authorities contradict one another at every point……………When all factors have been taken into consideration, the figure of two thirds to Chandy and one third to Thomas may be regarded as acceptable. But it seems that the larger churches and those nearer to the main centres of civilisation adhered to Chandy; strong support for Thomas lay in the remote areas, and among those less influenced by the contacts with the west.” ^[25]

Richard Collins observes that the number of Jacobite Syrians and Catholic Syrians are almost equal. ^[26]

Thomas Yates in his book  Indian Church History, quotes  Fr Paulino (Paoli) who was in Kerala between 1776 and 1789 that according to Bishop Florentines Jesu, of Malabar Vicariate who died in 1773, there were 94000 St Thomas Christians and when the poll tax was in contemplation in Travancore in the year 1787, they were numbered at 100, 000. During the war against Tippoo, 10000 of them lost their lives but still there remains 90,000 Christians following Syro Chaldean rituals. They have in their possession 64 churches, some of them however, were destroyed by Tippoo.The Jacobites have 32 churches, to which belong 50,000. These therefore form altogether 140,000 Christians who adhere to the Syro chaldaic rites.

Thomas Yates also quotes Rev Dr Kerr, (dated Madras 1806) that Jacobite Syrians have 55 churches, and the number of their people as given to the resident of Travancore is 23,000. The Catholic Syrians’ numbers, Yates comments, “it is conjectured, are under rated in the statement given in to the resident”, as it is generally supposed, that they may be estimated at 70 or 80 thousand.

Dr. Kerr continues about Catholic Syrians as quoted by Yates-The Syrian Roman Catholics, were constrained to join the Latin church after a long struggle for the power, of maintaining their purity and independence, are still appear a people perfectly distinct from Latin church, being allowed to chant and perform all the services….They are said to have 86 parishes and are numbered 90,000. ^[27]

G T Mackenzie, in his book Christianity in Travancore in 1901 observes that the bulk of Syrian Christians in Travancore are Syrian Roman Catholics-“these Syrian Christians are found in central and north Travancore, in the Cochin state and the Malabar district of British India. There are none in south Travancore. The bulk of them are Roman Catholics but nevertheless follow their own Syriac rite. Others adhere to the Jacobite patriarch of Antioch. The remainder approach the protestant standards of doctrine and ritual and are usually called as reformed Syrians, although they themselves dislike that term and call themselves, Christians of St Thomas.”^[28]

George Milne Rae observes in his book The Syrian Church of India 1892 that “it is not possible from the census reports as exact classification. The number of Jacobite Syrians may be taken as approximately 330, 000 and the number of Romo Syrians as 110,000.The number of protestant Syrians are comparatively small. ^[29]

His numbers are not keeping with other authors. He is not providing any references and admits that there are no available census reports. It may be that he was talking about a region in Kerala like Travancore alone.Cardinal Tisserant gives the figure of 1876 for Catholics. The total numbers of Syro Malabar faithful were estimated at 200,000. There were 420 priests, 215 Churches and Chapels, 125 seminarians and 6 houses of the Syrian Carmelites. ^[30]

CONCLUSION

The Syriac churches are further divided and now comprise 7 different branches. They follow basically two different Syriac traditions, the ancient East Syriac and the newly introduced West Syriac traditions. Because of multiple splits and litigations, it is very difficult to estimate an exact population statistics now. There are no available data published from the non Catholic groups where as for Catholic groups, such data is available. The approximate current statistics can be read in demography article.

The different branches of the St Thomas Christians are as follows.

EAST  SYRIAC TRADITION

Syro Malabar   Catholic Church                      Catholic Communion

Chaldean Church of Trichur                           Church of the East

WEST SYRIAC TRADITION

Malankara Orthodox Syriac Church               Autocephalous

Malankara Jacobite Syriac Church                  Church of Antioch

Thozhiyoor Independent Syriac Church         Autocephalous

Syro Malankara Catholic Church                    Catholic Communion

Mar Thoma Syrian Church                            Protestant reformation

It has to be remembered that some of the Catholic Syriac group ended up in Latin Church also. They are mainly the families of those Priests ordained by Arch bishop Menesis who were not accepted by the St Thomas Christian community and those who did not participate in Coonan cross oath.

Pictures-

1] St Hormiz Church, Angamaly Constructed by Mar Abraham, the last Chaldean Prelate who ruled the undivided St Thomas Christians as his headquarters. Picture by Thomas Antony
2] Saint Thomas Christians East and West Syriac tradition  illustration by Thomas Antony.

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Author M Thomas Antony can be reached by email at – m dot Thomas dot antony at live.co.uk.
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NSC NETWORK Article Footnotes

1. G T Mackenzie, Christianity in Travancore, 1901, p27
2. Joseph Thekkedathu, The troubled days of Garcia, quoted in The History of Christianity in India p94
3. -Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu, Rome ( Jesuite Archives) Vol 68(1) f 102 f 225 Garcia’s letter to Fr Hyacinth of St Vincent, Vol 68 (2) ff 451-2, Historical Archives of Goa Livro das MongcesVol 25 f 130, all quoted by Joseph Thekkedathu, History of Christianity in India, p93

   -Historical Archives of Goa, Livro das Mongces Vol 25 f 121 quoted by Joseph Thekkedathu, History of Christianity In India p94

4. A document signed by all the church people of Malankara beginning with Ankamale who were assembled at the large church of Angamale on the first of February (old reckoning) in the year of our Lord 1787, in reference to the increase of true faith, and with regard to the bringing about a real union in our church, and a walk according to the manners and customs of our forefathers quoted by Thomas Whitehouse, Lingerings of light— Appendix E

   -(The Padiyola is available online- http://www.smcim.org/angamaly/history.htm )

5. Abstract of a brief history of Syrians in Malabar, preserved among themselves as genuine history, Church missionary society report for 1818-19 , page 317, quoted by Thomas Whitehouse in Lingering of light—Appendix D
6. – India in 1500 AD, Fr Antony Vallavanthara, quoted in Changanasseerry Athiroopatha innale innu vol I p 36

   - G T Mackenzie, Christianity in Travancore, 1901 p 12(Mackenzie reports that Guuvea p5 says that it is in Latin and appended to Fasciculus Temporum). An Italian version appeared at Vicenza in 1507 called Paesi novamente retrovati. It is cited also as Novus Orbis or as The Travels of Joseph the Indian.

7. East Syrian Mission to Asia with Special Reference to Malabar Coast from Sixth Century to Sixteenth Century AD and its Influence on Indian Religion Society and Culture by Elias TP, 2005 Doctoral Thesis to Mahatma Gandhi University, Kerala Guided by Fr Baby Varghese, SEERI, Kottayam
8. - Schurhammer, The Malabar church, pp 5-7 quoted in Changanacherry athiroopatha innale innu vol I p 38

   - G T Mackenzie, Christianity in Travancore (1901) pp11-12

9. Joseph Thekkedathu, The Troubled days of Arch Bishop Garcia. quoted in History of Christianity In India p 94
10. Historical Archives of Goa, Livro das Mongces Vol 25 f 121 quoted by Joseph Thekkedathu, History of Christianity In India p 94.
11. G T Mackenzie, Christianity in Travancore (1901) p 30. Quoting Paul of Bartholomew, India Orientalis Christiania
12. Joseph Thekkedathu, History of Christianity in India, p99 quoting from his book The troubled days of Arch bishop Garcia
13. Joseph Thekkedathu, History of Christianity In India p 99
14. Joseph Thekkedathu, The troubled days of Francis Garcia SJ, PP 143-44 quoted in Changanasserry athiroopatha, innale innu, vol II p 266
15. Christianity in India Book 4 P359 James Hough
16. Joseph Thekkedathu, History of Christianity in India p 100.
17. – LW Browne, Indian Christians of St Thomas page 111 quoted by Joseph Thekkedathu, History of Christianity in India.p 101,

    -Stephen Neill, History of Christianity in India

18. P J Tomy, Rtd Asso. Professor, Kerala Agricultural University, Kerala Coast, the Portuguese contributions (http://www.keralacoastfate.com/portugese.pdf
19. Historia Ecclesia Malabarical Cum Synoda Deaipral pp. 428-429 quoted by Placid J. Podipara p.104
20. P J Tomy, Rtd Asso. Professor, Kerala Agricultural University, Kerala Coast, the Portuguese contributions (http://www.keralacoastfate.com/portugese.pdf
21. Thomas Whitehouse, Lingerings of Light in a dark land- bring researches intothe past history and present conditions of the Syrian church of Malabar. 1873, Appendix A
22. Thomas Whitehouse, Lingerings of Light in a dark land- bring researches into the past history and present conditions of the Syrian church of Malabar. 1873 Appendix H
23. Historia Ecclesiae malabaricae Romae 1745 p 428 quoted by
    Thomas Whitehouse, Lingerings of Light in a dark land- bring researches intothe past history and present conditions of the Syrian church of Malabar. 1873
24. Thomas Whitehouse, Lingerings of Light in a dark land- bring researches intothe past history and present conditions of the Syrian church of Malabar. 1873 Appendix H
25. The History of Christianity in India, The beginnings to AD 1707, Stephen Neill, University of Cambridge, 1984.
26. Richard Collins, Missionary enterprise of the east, 1873
27. Thomas Yates, Indian Church History or an account of the first planting of the gospel in Syria, Mesopotamia and India with an accurate relation of the first Christian missions in china, London, 1818.
28. G T Mackenzie, Christianity in Travancore(1901) P 1.
29. George Milne Rae, The Syrian Church of India, , Notes to ch XVI.
30. Eugene Tisserant, Eastern Christianity in India, P139

• ‘The Indian Christians of St. Thomas’ by Dr. Leslie Brown
• Sixteenth Century Churches – Churches belonging to Catholics and Syriac Orthodox ( 1818 AD-Statistics)
• “Christianity in India- a History in ecumenical perspective” by HC Perumalil and ER Hambye
• Population Statistics and Demography of Saint Thomas Christians, Churches with historical references
• Focus II- History, Munnu Noyambu and Kappalottam – Marth Mariam Church, Kuravilangad
• ‘The St. Thomas Christian Encyclopedia of India’- Volume I -Prof. George Menachery
• Ancient Churches with traditional dates of foundation & Stone Crosses of Kerala- Saint Thomas Cross, Nazraney Sthambams and other Persian Crosses

This is one of those lists about the Sixteenth Century Churches from a compilation done by K J Joisea in “ Socio Cultural life of Saint Thomas Christians of Kerala in the Medieval period”. K J Joisea’s compilation is based on the catalogue of the churches of Christians of St Thomas of Malabar from the Synodical Acts at Diamper (1599 AD) as given by Thomas Yeates in his “ Indian Church History” published in 1818 AD, London.

According to this estimate there were 106 Saint Thomas Christian Churches, 9 oratories and one congregation, all together 117. In early nineteenth century ( 1818 AD), 71 Churches and 9 Oratories belong to Catholics ( Syro Malabar Church). 28 Churches belong to Malankara Syriac Orthodox . 7 Churches were shared by both Catholics ( Syro Malabar Church) and Malankara Syriac Orthodox.

List of Sixteenth Century Churches

These are the Churches in alphabetical order and the denomination which it was under in early nineteenth century. Please note that before 1818 AD, there was only one division in Malankara Syriac Orthodox leading to the formation of Thozhiyur Church which had negligible strength in this comparison.^[2]

1. Under Catholics ( Syro Malabar Church)

Total Number of Churches -71 Churches and 9 Oratories

Aalapuzha (Alleppy), a church (Catholic)
Aanacallunghel (Bharnanganam ?) – a church (Catholic)
Aaragoshe (Arakuzha) – a church (Catholic)
Adirampushe (Adirampuzha) – a church (Catholic)
Alangatta or Mangatta (Alangad) – a church and two oratories (Catholic)
Ambalacatta (Ambazhakad) – a church and an oratory (Catholic)
Angamala (Angamali) – two churches (Catholic)
Badagore (?) – a church (Catholic)
Badeate (Vadayar ?) – a church (Catholic)
Beleanate (Veliyanad) – a church (Catholic)
Cadanatte (?) – a church (Catholic)
Cailacudi (Chalakudy) – a church (Catholic)
Callurcatta (Champakulam ?) – a church (Catholic)
Calnada (Kalnada?) – a church (Catholic)
Calparamba (Kalparambu) – a church (Catholic)
Cangnarpalli (Kanjirapilly?) – a church (Catholic)
Canhur (Kanjur) – a church (Catholic)
Cembi (Vaikkom ?) – a church (Catholic)
Cenotta (Chenamangalam ?) – a church (Catholic)
Cerphungal (Cherpungat) – a church (Catholic)
Cianganaceri (Changanacherry) – a church and an oratory (Catholic)
Clovare (Chowra ?) – a church (Catholic)
Codalur (?) – a church (Catholic)
Codamalur (Kudamaloor) – a church (Catholic)
Corolongatta (Kuruvilangad) – a church and an oratory (Catholic)
Corretti (Koratti) – a church (Catholic)
Cottamattil (?) – a church (Catholic)
Cottapadi (Kottapidi) – a church (Catholic)
Cottota (Kottekad ?) – a church (Catholic)
Cuingatta (Chungam ?) – a church (Catholic)
Edapuli or Rapolim (Edappilly) – two churches (Catholic)
Elanguil (Elamkulam ?) – a church (Catholic)
Elur – two churches and an oratory (Catholic)
Enamaca (Enamavu) – a church (Catholic)
Ernaculata or Angicaimal (Ernakulam) – a church (Catholic)
Iratusha (Erattupuzha) – a church (Catholic)
Mailacomba (Mylikombu) – a church (Catholic)
Maleatur (Malayattur) – a church and an oratory (Catholic)
Manhapra (Manjapra) – a church (Catholic)
Mattatil (Mattom) – a church (Catholic)
Mushcolam (Muzhikulam) – a church (Catholic)
Muttam – a church (Catholic)
Muttiera (Muttuchira) – a church and an oratory (Catholic)
Nagapusha (Nagapuzha) – a church (Catholic)
Nediale (?) – a church (Catholic)
Nharica (Nharakkal) – a church (Catholic)
Odiamper (Udiamperur – Diamper) – a church (Catholic)
Paincollata (Pamkulam ?) – a church (Catholic)
Palaya (Palai) – a church and Syro-Chaldean Seminary (Catholic)
Palicara (Parappukara?) – a church (Catholic)
Pallipuram – a church(Catholic)
Palur (Palayur) – a church (Catholic)
Palurti (Pallurti) – a church (Catholic)
Parapuranngri (Parapur) – a church (Catholic)
Pashur (Pazhuvil) – a church (Catholic)
Perumettam (Perumattom) – a church (Catholic)
Poracada (Purakkad) – a church (Catholic)
Pudupulla (Pudupalli ?) – a church (Catholic)
Pullingune (Pulinkunnu) – a church and an oratory (Catholic)
Punhada (?) – a church (Catholic)
Ptinnatna (Punnathara?) – a church (Catholic)
Punencera (Puthenchira) – a church (Catholic)
Puttenpali (Puthenpalli) – a church (Catholic)
Ramaratta (Ramapuram ?) – a church (Catholic)
Totampali (Totapilli ?) – a church (Catholic)
Vaypur (Kaduthuruthi ?) – a church (Catholic)
Vecuir (Vechur?) – a church (Catholic)
Verapoly – a church (Catholic)

2. Under Malankara Syriac Orthodox

Total Number of Churches-28 Churches

Agarnparambil (Agaparambu) – a church (Syriac Orthodox)
Angamala (Angamali) – a church (Syriac Orthodox)
Bemanil (?) – a church (Syriac Orthodox)
Cadamattom (Kadamattom) – a church (Syriac Orthodox)
Cadambara (?) – a church (Syriac Orthodox)
Caddenata (Kandanad ?) – a church (Syriac Orthodox)
Callucera (?) – a church (Syriac Orthodox)
Callupara (Kallupara) – a church (Syriac Orthodox)
Cartyapalli (kartnikapalli ?) – a church (Syriac Orthodox)
Catare (Chathannur ?) – a church (Syriac Orthodox)
Cayamcollam (kayamkulam) – a church (Syriac Orthodox)
Cenganur (Chengannur) – a church (Syriac Orthodox)
Collam (Quilon) – a church (Syriac Orthodox)
Collencera (Kollenchira ?) – a church (Syriac Orthodox)
Condur (Kundra ?) – a church (Syriac Orthodox)
Coshenceri (Kozhencheri) – a church (Syriac Orthodox)
Mamalaceri (Mamalassery) – a church (Syriac Orthodox)
Manargada (Mannarkadu ?) – a church (Syriac Orthodox)
Mode lacodam (Mudalakudam) – a church (Syriac Orthodox)
Molanturuti (Mulanthuruthy) – a church (Syriac Orthodox)
Neranatta (Niranam) – a church (Syriac Orthodox)
Omelur (Omellur ?) – a church (Syriac Orthodox)
Pallicare (Pahakara) – a church (Syriac Orthodox)
Puthencava (Puthenkavu) – a church (Syriac Orthodox)
TekencoLlomgere (Tekenkulangara ?) – a church (Syriac Orthodox)
Tevelacera (Thevalakara) – a church (Syriac Orthodox)
Tiruvancoda (Tiruvamcode) – a church (Syriac Orthodox)
Tumbonur (Thumpamon ?) – a church (Syriac Orthodox)

3. Shared Churches by both Catholics & Syriac Orthodox

Total Number of Churches-7 Churches Congregation- 1 (?)

Caringcera (Karingchira) – a church (Partly Catholic & Partly Syriac Orthodox- Shared)
Codamangalam (Kothamangalarn) – a church (Partly Catholic & Partly Syriac Orthodox- Shared)
Curupenpadi (Kurupenpadi) – a church (Partly Catholic & Partly Syriac Orthodox- Shared)
Mavalicare (Mavelikera) – a congregation (?)
Nharamel (?) – a church (Partly Catholic & Partly Syriac Orthodox- Shared)
Parrota (Piravam ?) – a church (Partly Catholic & Partly Syriac Orthodox- Shared)
Parur (Parur) – a church (Partly Catholic & Partly Syriac Orthodox- Shared)
Telcenparur – a church (Partly Catholic & Partly Syriac Orthodox- Shared)

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Source- K J Joisea, “ Socio Cultural life of Saint Thomas Christians of Kerala in the Medieval period”. Based on Thomas Yeates , “ Indian Church History” published in 1818 AD, London.

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NSC NETWORK Article Footnotes

1. Some of these lists are included in “Population Statistics and Demography of Saint Thomas Christians, Churches with historical references” article
2. Thozhiyur Church did not seem to get possession of any sixteenth century Church.

• Population Statistics and Demography of Saint Thomas Christians, Churches with historical references
• ‘The Indian Christians of St. Thomas’ by Dr. Leslie Brown
• Ancient Churches with traditional dates of foundation & Stone Crosses of Kerala- Saint Thomas Cross, Nazraney Sthambams and other Persian Crosses
• Surviving MSS- Old Testament Manuscripts, Psalms and New Testament Manuscripts of Christians of Saint Thomas
• “Christianity in India- a History in ecumenical perspective” by HC Perumalil and ER Hambye
• SRITE- Project for Preserving the Manuscripts of the Syrian Christians in India
• Focus II- History, Munnu Noyambu and Kappalottam – Marth Mariam Church, Kuravilangad

DDDr. Placid Joseph Podipara CMI, is known as the greatest Church historian of India. He has authored more than thirty seven books and numerous articles on Saint Thomas Christians in many languages such as English, Malayalam, German, Latin etc.^[1]

He has also served as Member of the Pontifical commission for codifying Canon Law, Syriac Language examiner of Kerala University, Consultant to the Congregation of Oriental Churches, Member of Pontifical commission for restoring the Syro Malabar Qurbana, Professor of Pontifical Oriental Institute and Urban University, Rome, Consulter for preparing the agenda of Second Vatican Council etc. He holds doctorates in Philosophy, Theology and Canon Law.^[2]

Contents

Introduction
Bibliography

Fr. Placid states that, formerly there were Thomas Christians in several parts of India, and only those of the south west coast of India have come down to the present day, and they alone are the subject of this treatise.

The south west coastal region of India, which has been home and habitat of the Thomas Christians is known by different names such as Malabar, Malankara, Malanadu, Malavaram, Malayalam and Kerala. It extends more or less from Mangalore in the north to Cape Comorin in the south. From this region, the middle portion of which has been their home for a long time, the Thomas Christian are now spreading out to the other parts of India.

Chera, Chola and Pandya ( Pandy, Pandi, Pandion) were the important kingdoms of South India in the early centuries of the Christian era. Most of the Thomas Christians, known also as Nazrani Mappilas were the subjects of the Chera kingdom ,whose Capital was Muziris or Cranganore. After the fall of this kingdom, they spread to different principalities that rose up in the land. One of these principalities was probably ruled by a Christian chieftain. There were also constant wars, and mutual annexations amongst these principalities.

Until the middle of the XVII century, the Thomas Christians were all one in faith and rite. There after, divisions arose among them, and consequently they are today Catholics and non- Catholics of different rites, the latter belonging to different denominations. All of them are often called Syrian or Syrian Christians, since they have been using Syriac for liturgical purposes with or with out the admixture of Malayalam.

Between both the Catholic and the non Catholic Thomas Christians, there are different ethnical groups similar to the Hindu castes of the place in which they dwell.

Contents in detail

Chapter 1- Origin and Early History

In this chapter, Fr. Placid analyzes the early traditions about Saint Thomas Apostolate where India not mentioned, but not excluded and India mentioned: South India not excluded.He also examine the South Indian tradition ( in Malabar and in Coromandel) about the evangelization of Saint Thomas, the Apostle.

About Coromandel tradition - Even before the Portuguese opened the tomb in Mylapore in the XVIth century, it was believed to have been the tomb of Saint Thomas, and was being visited by both Christian and non Christian pilgrims and travelers.

Three of the five complete MS copies of Mar Solomon of Basora’s ( 1222) “Book of the Bees” speak of Mahluph ( Mylapore) ” a city in the land of the Indians” where “others say” St. Thomas was buried.^[3]

Placid also quotes the accounts of Marco Polo ( 1295), Oderick ( Italian Franciscan, 1324,1325), Am’r son of Matthew ( Christian Arab writer, 1340), Marignoli ( Papel legate in China, 1394), Nicholas de Conti ( Italian merchant, 1425-1430) who visited, or mentioned Mylapore before the Portuguese came there in the early part of the XVIth century.

He also dissects the East Syrian attitude towards the South Indian tradition of mission of Saint Thomas, the Apostle, and mentions that this would weaken the theory that East Syrian missionaries or traders introduced Christianity into South India. He also briefly covers the Calamina riddle- that the Saint Thomas died in Calamina of India.

About the early history - The persecution on the coromandel coast is said to have made the local Christians take refuge, in Thiruvancode not far from cape Comorin and in Thodamala in north east Malabar. There were only two families in Thiruvancode in 1970′s and the rest have immigrated in to different parts of Malabar. ( Dhariaikal – Thariaikal are said to be the descendants of these immigrants). There is no trace of ancient Christians in Thodamala. They were hinduised in the XVII th century.^[4]

Another persecution or seduction, is attributed to a Hindu conjurer Manikavachakar. Those, who were seduced are said to have become Hindus. A caste of Nairs known as Manigramakar found in Malabar in such places as Quilon, Kayankulam, Mavelikara are said to be the descendants of the seduced. Nevertheless, they keep some customs that might have been Christian.^[5]

Chapter 2- The Church of Seleucia- Ctesiphon

According to Placid, in order to get any reliable knowledge about the hierarchical organization of the Thomas Christians, we have to recourse chiefly to the Churches of Seleucia- Ctesiphon and Persia proper.

This Chapter analyses the Seleucia- Ctesiphon organization, rite, break up with the western fathers, turns “nestorain” or theodorian, the glory and decline, faith in general, roman primacy, an exception, and the two rival patriarch lines.

This Church, during the glorious time became an organization of some 250 bishops under several metropolitans. The Patriarch exercised jurisdiction in Assyria, Babylonia, Chaldea, Arabia, Cyprus, Media, Khorosan, Merve, both sides of the Persian Gulf, Persia proper, Turkestan, Socotra, China, Tartary, India and even parts of Indonesia and Ceylon.

Chapter 3- Hierarchical Relations Chiefly with Seleucia – Ctesiphon

This chapter deals with the hierarchical relations of the Thomas Christians with the churches of the Middle East, chiefly with the Churches of Seleucia – Ctesiphon and Persia proper. The topics are divided as doubtful relations, obscure and then clear relations, Antioch claims, Seleucia – Ctesiphon alone, series of Prelates, titles of Prelates, residences of Prelates, Liturgical rite and language.

About clear relations - The clear evidence for the hierarchical relation, between Malabar and Seleucia– Ctesiphon, through Persia proper is furnished by Patriarch Iso’yahb III of Seleucia – Ctesiphon ( c 650-660) in his letter to Simon of Riwardasir of Persia.

About the titles of the Prelates of Saint Thomas Christians - The Prelates had the title of Metropolita Indiarum. Another title was, Metropoliten and Door of All India.^[6].

The term, “Door of All India” or “All India” or “Of India” was being used till as late as the XVIIIth century by the prelates of non Catholic Thomas Christians. At least, two Latin prelates of the Thomas Christians and a Catholic Thomas Christian Vicar Apostolic ( Mar Alexander Parampil 1663-1687) used to add after their names the title, Metropolitan of India or of All India. Even under Latin Prelates, the Archdeacon of the Thomas Christians ( XVII century) used to style himself as ” ( George) Archdeacon of India”^[7]

About the Residences of Prelates- The Prelates of the Thomas Christians resided, as tradition says, in Cranganore, Quilon, Angamale, Diamper and Mylapore. Placid mentions that according to tradition, after the VIII/IX century, when Cranganore had lost its importance as a Christian centre, Angamale rose to importance, through Cranganore seems to have resumed its former importance to some extent after some time. At least till the beginning of the XIX century, the representatives of the church of Angamale had the first seat and right to speak first in general assemblies of the representatives of all the Thomas Christian Churches ( Catholic) . Among the non- Catholic Thomas Christians this privilege was enjoyed by the representatives of the Church of Niranam ( after the XVII century).

Chapter 4- Special Organization and Constitution

This Chapter, analyzes the special organization and constitution of Saint Thomas Christians. Along with the factors with dependence on the East Syrian liturgical and rites, the Thomas Christians developed an individuality of their own in the socio political environment of the country.

The topics covered are socio- political life, manner of worship ( churches, sacraments and sacramentals) and Church administration.

Chapter 5- Faith and Communion

Placid says that the Thomas Christians had an organization and constitution distinct from those of the Seleucia – Ctesiphon Church, which they had hierarchical and liturgical relations. The topics covered in this chapter are Faith and Communion.

Chapter 6- Alliance with the Portuguese

The topics covered in this chapter are Portuguese ecclesiastical jurisdictions, Thomas Christians- two Bishops, Portuguese help, more Bishops, friendly relations continue- Mar Jacob, frictions, Muttuchira inscription, friction intensified, after Mar Jacobs death, new Bishops; Mar Joseph, Mar Joseph and Mar Abraham, Council of Goa, 1575, some of Mar Abraham’s other activities, Council of Goa, 1585, accusations against Mar Abraham, two briefs, Mar Abraham’s successor, Dom Menezes; his plans, Dom Menezes in Malabar, Dom Menezes in Malabar, the ‘Synod” of Diamper, the Archdeacon and the Synod, Bishop Roz SJ: Latin regime.

About the Synod of Diamper - Dom Menezes, summoned all priests, other clerics and four lay men elected from each church, even from the churches he had not visited under the pain of excommunication in 1599 . About 130 ecclesiastics and 660 laymen ( elected and specially invited) met at Diamper in the territory of Kingdom of Cochin. The Chaldean Patriarch was condemned as a heretic and schismatic, and they were made to swear that they would not accept any bishop except the one immediately nominated by Rome. The Patriarch ,thus condemned as heretic, was Denha Simon who was in explicit communion with Rome and had been honored with Pallium. Placid, also analysis whether Dom Menezes had any right to convoke and conduct such a synod. The letters of Roz SJ and Campori SJ, who were present at the Syond mentions that, there was no such Synod but only reading of regulations took place, which the people didn’t understand or were not concerned. There are also no documents which says Rome ever approved such a synod.

Chapter 7- Portuguese Latin Regime: Unrest, Revolt, Schism

This Chapter covers the following topics, Roz ( Franics) SJ ( 1599-1624), Brito ( Stephen) SJ ( 1624-1641), Garcia ( Francis) SJ ( 1641-1659), Ahatallah, the Coonan Cross Oath, Archdeacon pseudo-Archbishop, Carmelite commissaries, Mar Alexander Parampil, Puthankuttukar and Pazhayakuttukar, Raphael Figueredo, Custodius De Pinho, Gracia’s successors: Archdeacon Mathew, Padroado and Propaganda jurisdictions, Seminaries, The Carmelites and Schism ?.

About Roz ( Franics) SJ ( 1599-1624)- Roz SJ was nominated as successor to Mar Abraham on Nov 5, 1599. The Metropolitan see of Angamale was made a diocesan suffragon to Goa on Dec 20, 1599. Portuguese Padroado was extended over it in Aug 4, 1600. Bishop Roz SJ was consecrated on Jan 25, 1601.

Bishop Roz SJ had started residing in Cranganore. Quarrels broke out between him and the Francisan Bishop of Cochin regarding jurisdiction over certain places including Cranganore. The latter, usurped certain churches such as the Thomas Christian Churches of Cochin, Mattanchery and Palluruthy. The Bishop of Cochin even had recourse to arms !

The Archiepiscopal title was restored in Dec 12, 1608. The title of Angamale was changed to Cranganore on Dec 3, 1609. Bishop Roz SJ received the pallium on Jan 26,1609, and the Archdeacon imposed it on him. On Dec 22, 1610, the boundaries of Cochin, Cranganore and Mylapore were fixed by Dom Menezes. Cranganore got few Latin churches such as Calicut, Cranganore, Paliport but lost the Thomas Christian churches of Cochin, Mattancherry, Palluruthy and Purakad which came under the Bishop of Cochin with no change, how ever of rite. In this manner the title of All India which belonged to the Prelates of Thomas Christians become extinct and meaningless. The whole of India was parceled out among three Padroado sees. The quarrels between Bishop Roz SJ and the Bishop of Cochin continued and a Jesuit versus Franciscan colour was seen in everything and every where.

Chapter 8- Latin Regime and Further Grievances

The topics covered in this Chapter are, All under Propaganda: Angelus Francis ( Carmelite), Mar Simon, Padroado again: Ribeiro John SJ, Many for Carmelites, Angelus Franics again, Mar Gabriel, Puthanchira and Verapoly, Padroado and Propaganda Prelates ( XVIII Century), new troubles, further troubles, Cariattil and Paremmakal: Padroado Alone, Pandrai ( Paul), Reunion of Mar Dionysius I, Pandari- Kattakkayam Faction, Sankurikal and Seminaries.

Chapter 9- Violent Storms: Dawn of Peace

The topics covered in this and the next chapter, mostly deal with further history of Catholic section of Saint Thomas Christians – Padroado and Propaganda, Prelates till 1838, East Syrian ( Chaldean ) Patriarchs, Propaganda alone; Titular Archbishop, Propaganda Prelates of this period, Chaldean Rokos; Padroado restored, Thondanatt, Bishop Abdiso, Padroado and Propaganda Again, Prelates ( 1864-1887), Chaldean Mellus, Mellusian – Nestorians, Petitions and Visitors, Marcelline, Coadjutor ( Carmelite), Indian Latin Hierarchy ( Propaganda) Cranganore Suppressed, Two Latin Non Carmelite Vicars Apostolic ( Propaganda), Medlycott and Lavigne, Padupurakal, Three Indigenous Vicars Apostolic ( Propaganda) and Seminaries.

About Chaldean Rokos; Padroado Restored - The Thomas Christians had correspondence with the Chaldean Patriarch for a long time. In 1852, some Catholic Thomas Christians asked Patriarch to send them a Bishop and two priests to teach Syriac or at least two priests if the Pope didn’t wish to send a Bishop. They, even threatened that they would become Jacobites if the petition was not granted. A Chaldean Priest, Denha bar Jona, who was staying at Kuravilangadu also gave them help and encouragement. Kudakkachira Antony, along with Thondanatt Antony approached the Chaldean Patriarch Joseph. Patriarch send them back asking to collect signatures for their petition. Kudakkachira Antony died on the way. Thondanatt Antony took up the cause, and brought to Malabar Mar Rokos Thomas a bishop send by the Chaldean Patriarch as Visitor to Malabar ( 1861 May 20th ). Majority of Catholic Thomas Christians followed Mar Rokos Thomas. But Pope Pius IX had already made it clear that the Patirach had no cliams over Malabar. Bernardine, the Vicar Apostolic of Verapoly appointed Fr. Chavara Kuriakos, who was the superior of the CMI fathers as his Vicar general to fight against Mar Rokos Thomas. Fr.Chavara persuaded Mar Rokos Thomas to go back and accompanied him till Cochin where he took a ship to Basora in 1862. The Oriental Congregation consulted Bernardine to consecrate the Vicar General as the Bishop. But the missionaries opposed the step, and depicted Fr. Chavara as an old man, a simpleton who had no sufficient knowledge ! The Churches that had followed Mar Rokos Thomas were allowed to choose between Propaganda and Padroado jurisdiction.

About Chaldean Mellus - Some Thomas Christian priests, especially those of the Catholic- Padroado jurisdiction, with the help of a Chaldean priest Philip Azziz, who was in Malabar tried to get down a bishop from the Chaldean Patriarch. The Chaldean Patriarch Mar Joseph and Mar Mellus Elias had tried in First Vatican Council to get Malabar under their jurisdiction. Chaldean Patriarch Joseph send Mar Mellus Elias to Malabar ( 1874 ). Some 30 Padroado and 2 Propaganda churches followed Mar Mellus Elias in the beginning. Mar Abdiso Thondanatt also joined Mar Mellus Elias. Another Chaldean Bishop, Mar Jacob came to assist Mar Mellus Elias. How ever, Mar Jacob went back to the Chaldean Patriarch chiefly due to the efforts of Nidhiry Mani Kathanar. Mar Mellus Elias was forced to go from Malabar in 1882 and before going back he entrusted his followers to Mar Abdiso Thondanatt and to Augustine ( a Chaldean Corepiscopus who had come to help Mar Mellus Elias).

Mellusian “ Nestorians” - Mar Abdiso Thondanatt died in 1900. They seem to have had no Bishop till 1908. Then, they received a Nestorian ( from the rival line Patriarch ) bishop, Abimlech Mar Timotheus who ruled them till his death in 1945. This created two factions among them. Those, who opposed the Nestorian ( rather Protestant) tenets of Mar Abimlech were lead by the above said Chaldean Corepiscopus Augustine, and were known as Independents and others were known as Suray’s. There were quarrels, and law suits between the two. The Independents finally lost the suits, and joined Syro Malabar Church. The others ( Suray’s) who were a thousand families in 1970’s were divided in to two factions.

Chapter 10- In the Proper Milieu

The topics covered in this chapter are Hierarchy, Further developments, The Prelates, Oriental Congregation, Religious Institutes, Seminaries, Vocations and Missions, The Rite, Why such a long delay ?, A new Offshoot, Syro – Malankara Prelates

Chapter 11- The non-Catholic Thomas Christians

The topics covered in this Chapter are a chronological account about the history of Non- Catholic Saint Thomas Christians in six parts.

Part one covers, The Jacobites, Mar Thomas I – Mar Thomas V, Mar Thomas VI alias Mar Dionysius I, Mar Thomas VII – Mar Thomas IX, Mar Dionysius II – Mar Dionysius IV, Mathew Mar Athanasius, Mar Qurilos and Mar Stephanos, Mar Dionysius V, The Patriarch; Marthomite Church, Two Parties, Law Suits; Reconciliation.

The Patriarch; Marthomite Church- The Jacobite Patriarch, Peter III Ignatius held a synod at Mulanthuruthy in 1876, consecrated six more metropolitans, and divided Malabar in to seven eparchies ( dioceses), instituted an Association consisting of bishops with the representatives of priests and lay men to administer the temporalities of the Church through trustees, and also to elect bishops. The six eparchies are Quilon, Thumpaman, Kottayam,Angamale, Niranam, Kadanat and Cochin. Mar Dionysius V was assigned the eparchy of Quilon and was entrusted with conducting the law suits. Mathew Mar Athanasius passed away in 1875. He was excommunicated by the Jacobite Patriarch, Peter III Ignatius after his arrival in Malabar in 1875. The successor of Mathew Mar Athanasius ( who was earlier consecrated) , Thomas Mar Athanasius carried on with the law suits against Mar Dionysius V . Finally Mar Dionysius V and party got victorious in the court case and others formed a definte independent Church and before they assumed the name Marthomites, they were known as Reformed Jacobites.

The Part two covers the Anjoorians and Part three on the Anglicans. Part four is about Marthomites. Part five about the Mellusians and Part six about Saint Thomas evangelical church.

About Anjoorians - The Anjoor ( Thozhiur) Church originated about the year 1772, when Mar Cyril was expelled from Travancore and Cochin by Mar Dionysius I. Its members have always been very few, and it follows the West Syrian rite. It is now called the “ The Independent Syrian Church of Malabar”. In the beginning, each Bishop used to consecrate his successor. Then the Anjoorians and the Marthomites began to consecrate of each other.

About Mellusians - The Mellusians are the remnants of those Thomas Christians, who followed the Chaldean Bishop Mar Mellus Elias in 1874. They call themselves “Suray’s” and “Chaldeans”. Mar Timotheus ( 1908-1945) was succeeded by Darmo Mar Thomas. Darmo Mar Thomas quarreled with the Assyrian Church of East Patriarch with an anti- patriarchal party in 1963. He consecrated two priests from Malabar, Mookkan and Konikkara as bishops. The former succeeded him as Metropolitan, with the name of Mar Aprem. Till 1908, they used the East Syrian Liturgy used in Syro Malabar Church, and then adopted the rite used in the now Assyrian Church of East.( See the chapter -9 review- About Chaldean Rokos; Padroado Restored-About Chaldean Mellus-Mellusian “ Nestorians”- for more details)

In General

Placid states that the sources for the pre- XVIth century period are very few, disconnected and fragmentary, and he has utilized the most important ones. The post XV century period abounds in sources, but the brevity of the treatise he has in mind has made him leave out many things contained in them.

The first five chapters deal with the pre – XVIth century period and the rest with the post –XVIth century. The second chapter about Seleucian Church might seen a little disproportionate which is something Placid admits. Placid says, the general idea is that Seleucian Church was radically cut off from Rome through schism and heresy, and if this idea about Seleucian Church could be revised a little, the same would be applied to the Thomas Christians also, by those who would not view the latter except in terms of the former.

The book was published in 1970 for Darton, Longman and Todd by St. Paul Publications, Mumbai.

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Author can be reached on admin at nasrani dot net
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NSC NETWORK Article Footnotes

1. The underlined subtitle gives a gist of the interesting points (‘interesting’ – from my point of view which are not very known) of that particular section .
2. “Placidachan” edited by Varghese Pathikulangara- The list of the books and various articles of Fr. Placid can be read in this souvenir from DENHA Services.
3. Perumalil A, SJ, The Apostles in India, Fact of Fiction, Patna 1952
4. Mission of Fr. Fenicio SJ, Roz SJ, Report 1604 ( British Museum Add MS.9853)
5. Brown, The Indian Christians of St.Thomas pp 76-78
6. Paulinus S bartholomaeo, India Orientalis Christians, Rome, 1794, p-88
7. Jesuit Archives, Rome, Goa,18,f 72-Letter, Dec 1, 1624

• “The Arrival of the Portuguese in India and the Thomas Christians under Mar Jacob 1498-1552” by Dr. Mathias Mundadan
• “Christianity in India- a History in ecumenical perspective” by HC Perumalil and ER Hambye
• ‘The Indian Christians of St. Thomas’ by Dr. Leslie Brown
• ‘The St. Thomas Christian Encyclopedia of India’- Volume I -Prof. George Menachery
• Sixteenth Century Churches – Churches belonging to Catholics and Syriac Orthodox ( 1818 AD-Statistics)
• Population Statistics and Demography of Saint Thomas Christians, Churches with historical references
• “THE VARTHAMANAPPUSTHAKAM” written by Cathanar Thomman Paremmakkal

In the traditional style, the performance of Margam Kali is divided into two parts, Vattakkali ( round dance) and Parichamuttu kali ( sword and shield dance) with singing a particular ballard known as Margam Kali pattu ( The Song of the Way). This dance form describes the introduction of Christianity or the Christian way ( Marga) of worship into Kerala.

Margam Kali pattu text comprises of fourteen stanzas which narrate the life and work of Saint Thomas the Apostle in Kerala. It retells how the Apostle landed in Malabar, how he healed the sick, won converts, how he established churches or communities and undertook missions to China and how in the end died a martyr in Mylapore.

Maargam Kali, as a performance art form of Saint Thomas Christians has undergone changes in its structure, appearance with the Portuguese influence and with the developments among the Christians due to the emergence of ecclesiastical jurisdictions.

History

The literal translation of the word Margam ( Maargam ) is ‘way’ or ‘path’. In olden days those who embraced the new faith was called ‘ Margamkar’ or ‘Margam Vasikal”. The term ‘Maarga’, is a derviation of the Pali word ‘Magga’ and has always been use among Saint Thomas Christians of India.^[1]

It is very difficult to fix the origin of this dance form. It has been suggested that, the Maargam Vaasikal ( followers of Maargam, ie, Saint Thomas Christians ) in order to propagate and sustain their faith performed the elements of their passage in Pattu tradition and then gradually resorted to dance traditions. The earliest form of these dancing traditions of the native Christians involves circular movements while singing in gathering. Pallippaattu, MaargamKali, Vattakali, were some of these performing traditions of the early Saint Thomas Christian community.^[2]

Margam Kali -- Text and Theme

In both the Margam Kali and Parisamuttu Kali, an old-fashioned brass lamp was placed on the floor, and the dancers, usually 12 in number, used to go round the same, with measured steps, singing religious songs on St. Thomas, the Apostle, and the Blessed Virgin Mary.

Some of the songs now used are rather modern, or better, modernized versions with additions to ancient songs.

The song tells the story of how our Lord sold Thomas to Avan ( Habban) to build a palace for the Chola king. Thomas accepted the work but said he must go for his tolls, and would be back in a year. He received an advance payment and went off preaching first in the Chola country and then outside. In the course of this work Thomas was in touch with local ruling houses and performed many miracles. Thomas went far afield, to Malacca and China, but came back and stayed in the Chola kingdom for another year.

www.youtube.com/watch?v=TyrLNPLD5DY

He then heard about Kerala and went there, arriving at Malankara, preaching to the Brahmans of Cranganore and ordaining two of them priests. Then he went south, erecting crosses at Quilon, Niranam, Kokkamangalam, Kottukkayal, Cayal and Palayoor. At this point of the story, we hear of the anxiety of the Chola king to see his palace. He sent for Thomas and put him in prison when told he must wait till after his death to see the new palace, and was so mortified by the deception that he wanted to abdicate.

However, his brother died at that time and saw the palace in heaven. He was resuscitated and told the King of its glory. The king, his brother, Habban and others were baptized, and the faith spread apace arousing the Brahmans’ jealousy. They ordered Thomas to worship Kali in her sacred grove, which Thomas refused to do. Then the grove was consumed by fire, but while it burned, one priest in his anger seized a pointed stick and killed Thomas. The King took the body and buried it in Mylapore.^[3]

Traditionally, while rendering the ninth stanza, in which the theme dealt with the arrest of Saint Thomas and his companion ‘Avan’, a sword and shield dance by men called Parichamuttukali was performed.

www.youtube.com/watch?v=PjdlXxLuNrQ

Parichamuttukali, a martial art form is performed by men bearing swords and shields and follows the movements and steps of Kalarippayattu. Many of the travel accounts about Saint Thomas Christians mentions them as fine tuned soldiers and that they supplied many men to the local kings.

Early References about Margam Kali

The Christians of St. Thomas possessed folk-songs, dance forms which commemorates the life, deeds and praises of St. Thomas is attested by many early authors. The burning of the books as part of the Syond of Diampor and the burning of Portuguese and Dutch accounts by British has left the Christian history of Kerala with out authoritative documents. These activities has resulted in loss of many documents which depicts the life and nature of the early Christian community and the developments in Sixteenth and Seventeenth century.

During the early days of Portuguese arrival in 1558, Peter Maffei, on his account about Saint Thomas Christians talks about the popularity of songs and dances which narrates the adventures of Saint Thomas. Maffei, after having described the Apostles journey, miracles, death etc., says: ‘All these were told to the Portuguese by the Indians not only from oral tradition but also from written annals. The Malabar children are wont to sing in folk songs the praises and the martyrdom of Thomas.’^[4]

There is also a reference made by a Jesuit priest, Amandar Coria ( 1564) about the early Christian pilgrimage and procession to Maliyankara to commemorate the day of Mar Thoma arrival on the Kerala soil, while singing songs about Mar Thoma.^[5]. Amandar Coria, writes that on their return from Cranganore to Parur the women and children were singing the praises of the Apostle Thomas.^[4]

In 1578 Francisco Dionysio, S.I., while writing about the Apostle and the community founded by him, introduces his narration with these words: ‘What is written below is known from the information supplied by old people; it is the common and unanimous belief of all; they hold it as a well handed-down tradition; they have put these things in their books and their songs.’^[4]

Antonio de Gouvea’s in the Jornada of 1604 writes about the dance form performed by a group of young men at Angamali, which was the seat of the Indian Church, in order to entertain Archbishop Dom Alexis Menezes. He says before the men danced, they first signed themselves with the cross and recited the Lord’s prayer. This was followed by a song in honor of Saint Thomas. Antonio de Gouvea’s explanations regarding the salient features of the performance relate this with an early from of Margamkali.

“ During these days the Christians tried to give some amusement to the Archbishop to relieve him from continuous work, and they ordered for this purpose a dance, in which only men took part, and started at eight in the evening and finished at one o’ clock at night, and what he noticed in this was the composure of the Christians in the dances, in which they always take part, all those who are present making first the Sign of the Cross, after that the dancers singing the prayer of Our Father and a song to Saint Thomas and none of them profane, not even if it was indecent, except of old stories of their ancestors, or of the things of the Church, and of the saints. “^[6]

Antonio de Gouvea, also writes about the reception at Kuravilangadu Church, which involves the dancing, feasting and music in their fashion.^[7]

The decrees of Syond of Diampor which explicitly abandons some of the heathen practice of Christians and the participation in non- Christian festivals suggests the existence of an active performance tradition among the Saint Thomas Christians.

Modern Developments in Margam Kali

The Decree IV of Action IX of the Synod of Diamper prohibits the participation of Christians in Heathen festivals could have been an indication of active performance art form among the Saint Thomas Christians.^[8]

It has been suggested that this art form got suppressed after the Synod of Diamper but was in existence here and there in the beginning of twentieth century among the Saint Thomas Christians.

Sebastiani, the Apostolic Commissioner who came to Kerala in 1657 recorded that the male youth of Saint Thomas Christians used to make the sign of the Cross before the round dance they perform.^[9]

In 1869, Joseph Ittoop wrote a history of the Church in Malayalam ( Malayaluttulla Suriyani Kristyanikalute Charitram), referring to the oral tradition he has quoted the Margam Kali pattu.

There are a number of controversies about how these Pattukal evolved into its present form. Some assign the textual enhancement to the present structure by a Seventeenth century priest from the Southist community, Itty Thomman Kathanar. Others consider this assignment as speculative, controversial without any supporting evidences and something which emerged after the vocalization of Southist’s cause (1910 AD onwards).

In the beginning of twentieth century there has been efforts to exaggerate Southist history and cultural uniqueness. The structure and texts seems to have changed during this time. In 1910, Puthenkurakkal Uthup Lukose collected and published the Margamkalipattukal.^[10]

In the book Lukose doesn’t mention his sources of information about the songs. Since then there has been efforts to acquire MargamKali and portray it as an art form of Southists who are otherwise generally known today with the twentieth century coined term Knanaya.

The art form was in decline again by 1970. The Southist diocese of Kottayam, then took initiatives to promote Margam Kali with an effort to acquire the art form as their own unique heritage. Many Southist writers have gone nepotistic in presenting this as their own. This has created an interpretation among the members of Southist community that this is their unique art form. All these combinedly has made the art form popular among the Southists ( Knanaya) in the last few decades and has generated many literature with predilection which resulted in problems where Northists and Southist co exist and perform this art form.

Dr. Vellian in Crown, Veil, Cross writes that “ Margam kali is a traditional male dance preserved and performed mainly among the Knananya. “. The fact is that this was in practice and was performed by Saint Thomas Christians. What should be noted interestingly is that the Margam Kali was in practice long before the advent of Portuguese in Kerala. None of the records shows this was unique to any subdivisions among the Christians here. The Sixteenth century Jornada of Archbishop Dom Alexis Menezes mentions about this art form at Angamali. As a northist center, Angamali was the seat of the Indian Church and Archbishopric. The other references are about Parur, Kuravilangadu and about the very common scene of singing the praises of Apostle Thomas everywhere. The propagation of faith as seen in Margam Kali involves missionary activity and what we know before the arrival of Portuguese was some of the missionary activities undertaken by Saint Thomas Christians, the northist’s in general. Its not known if the Southists ever did any missionary activity.

Another important change, keeping apart the developments which has caused due to later emergence of ecclesiastical jurisdictions ( Southist- Northists), is on the structure of Maargam Kali. The sword and shield dance which is called Parichamuttukali is not part of the contemporary Margam Kali.

Margam Kali art form Similarities

It seems that these forms of the tradition depend mainly on the Acts of Thomas, modified by local Christian traditions about the foundations of seven churches by Saint Thomas, the Apostle and legendary stories of Hindu Holy men. Leslie Brown, says, for an example of the Hindu influence we may compare the stories of Saint Thomas paying his workmen in sand, which turned in to rice, and drawing to land a large floating tree trunck which all the King’s horses and all the King’s men had failed to control are similar to the stories of Hindu heros.

The Margam Kali pattu are akin to the old ballads of Hindu Malabar called Payannoor Pattu or the ballads in honor of Aromal Chevar, who was the famous Ezhava hero. This also has similarity to the miracle plays of Europe, and similar social amusements of ancient Babylonia.^[11]

A number of authors has suggested the similarities of the Margam Kali pattu with the Yatra Kali Pattu of the Nambootiri Brahmins. Yatrakali known differently as Samghakkali, Chattira Ankam, Sastramkam, Panemkali is a performance art form of Nambootiris which is believed to have formed in a period when the Nambootiris were persecuted under the rule of one Cheraman Perumal who accepted the Buddhist faith. Possibly the Margam Kali song is composed in imitation of the Yatrakkali, ‘The Journey Song’ of the Nambuthiris ( Suggested by Hosten 1931: Hambbye 1952, Ulloor 1953 : P J Thomas ).^[12]

Current Status

Currently both Margam Kali and Parichamuttukali are items included in the State Youth festival of Kerala. This makes these art forms a competetive item in the Four-tier system (i.e. School, Sub District, Revenue and State level) Youth festival. The Margam Kali is performed mainly by the women folks of the Saint Thomas Christians in cultural shows and by school children in competitions with an average popularity among the community.

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Author can be reached on admin at nasrani dot net
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NSC NETWORK Article Footnotes

1. A. Thazhath: The Judicial sources of Syro Malabar Church, OIRSI- The Syriac equivalent of Margam is ‘Urha”which means ‘a way’ ‘journey’ etc. Dr. July Puthussery, Idiom and Ideology: A study of the Christian Performance tradition of Kerala
2. Dr. July Puthussery, Idiom and Ideology: A study of the Christian Perfoemance tradition of Kerala
3. The Summary taken from, The Indian Christians of St. Thomas by Dr. Leslie Brown
4. Sixteenth century traditions of St. Thomas Christians page 41, By A. Mathias Mundadan
5. P J Thomas, Malayalam Sahityam Page 66-67
6. Dr. Pius Malekandathil, Jornada of Dom Alexis de Menezes: A Portuguese account of the sixteenth century Malabar Page 351
7. Dr. Pius Malekandathil, Jornada of Dom Alexis de Menezes: A Portuguese account of the sixteenth century Malabar Page 436
8. A Short History of the Church of Malabar by Geddes -- Dec. IV. Forbids Christians to frequent Heathen Festivities
9. Sebastiani, Seconda Spedizione 112
10. The Ancient Songs of the Syrian Christians of Malabar. Kottayam, 1910
11. The Syrian Church of Malabar by K E Job.
12. Ulloor S. Parameswara Iyer, Kerala Saahitya Charitham (History of the Literature of Kerala) Volume 3 Page 698, Prof. P J Thomas, Malayalam Sahityam, Hosten SJ, The Song of Thomas Ramban, Cochin 1931, ER Hambye , St. Thomas and India

• ‘The St. Thomas Christian Encyclopaedia of India’- Volume II , Chief Editor Prof.George Menachery
• Mission of Pantaenus in India and Saint Bartholomew, the Apostle in India
• “Kerala, the Cradle of Christianity in South Asia”-a DVD Documentary on the cultural interface of religion and music- An eye opener to the Religio cultural identity of the St. Thomas Christians in Kerala.
• “The Arrival of the Portuguese in India and the Thomas Christians under Mar Jacob 1498-1552” by Dr. Mathias Mundadan
• ‘The Indian Christians of St. Thomas’ by Dr. Leslie Brown
• Palm Sunday ( Kuruthola Perunnal), Maundy Thursday( Pesaha), Good Friday (Dukha Velli) and Easter among Saint Thomas Christians of India
• ‘Origin of Christianity in India’ by Dr.Benedict Vadakkekara

From India, Dr. Brown went on to become a Bishop and subsequently Archbishop of Uganda before returning to England as Bishop of St. Edmundsbury and Ipswich. He is known as one of the last generation of English bishops who gave outstanding service overseas, both to the ecumenical movement and in creating indigenous episcopal leadership in the Anglican Communion.

Contents

The Christians in Malabar, on the coast of South – west India, claim an unbroken relegious tradition from the time of Thomas the Apostle, who visited India in the first century AD. The community is a unique one. Living as a minority group on a busy trade route which has existed at least since Roman times.

In introduction, Dr.Brown analyses prior Anglican works ( Geddes, Buchanan, Hough, Whitehouse, Howard, Rae ) on Saint Thomas Christians history and concludes that their sources of information was limited. He also mentions that none of the contributions from Indian writers so far was from an impartial standpoint. He counts Fr. Placid Podipara, K N Daniel and T K Joseph as outstanding Indian writers.

According to him, there is therefore a need for a fresh investigation of the history of the Malabar Church, written impartial as possible.

He says, this book is concerned with the section of Church called Orthodox. It has Therefore to leave out of consideration the various groups which live apart from that section, once the occasions of separation have been noticed. Thus we shall see that, the Indian Church had a loose – knit unity until 1653, for the last fifty years of that period under Roman obedience. Then about half of the Christians became Jacobite in allegiance ( if not at once in liturgy or theology). The work of English missionaries in the nineteenth century, concurring as it did with personal rivalries and factions among the Indians, led to the secession of the Mar Thoma Church and the conversion of a few families to the Anglican faith. The continuing body of Jacobites has been torn asunder by disputes arising, not from doctrinal differences, but from the clash of persons and their struggle for power. By 1950 the two factions apparently gave up hope of reconciliation and now exist as separately organised churches, the Jacobite, acknowledging the supremacy of the Jacobite Patriarch and the Orthodox, under the Indian Catholicos of the East.

In Introduction, Dr. Brown also notes that the motivies of Western Christians were not always altruistic. He mentions that, after the Syond of Diamper a distinguished Jesuit wrote to his Father General, that the effect of the actions there taken would be of immense service to Portugal as they could put thirty thousand soldiers in the field. The Dutch Officer, Visscher suggests that it would be a good idea to train young Dutchmen in Syriac and Malayalam and bring them out to convert Syrians in to reformed faith and company interest can be protected. Col. Munro, the first British Resident referred his endeavors among the Saint Thomas Christians, as equally important for humanity and the stability of British power.

He also says that, Saint Thomas Christians already made great contributions to India and to the world Church.

Part I

In Part 1, Dr. Brown talks about the history of Saint Thomas Christians, their difficulties with European reformers, their quarrels and schisms. With all these there emerges the picture of a lively Christian Community with a strong flourishing church.

Chapter 1.The Christians of Saint Thomas in the Sixteenth Century
Chapter 2.The Saint Thomas tradition
Chapter 3.The Malabar Church comes in to history
Chapter 4.The Jesuit Archbishops and the Carmelite Mission.
Chapter 5.The Confusions of the Eighteenth Century
Chapter 6.The Modern period

Part II

Part II deals with the social life of Saint Thomas Christians, where their religion plays an important role.

Chapter 1.The Social Life of the Saint Thomas Christians

Part III

In Part III, the forms of religious worship of Syriac Orthodox especially, Sunday services, daily prayers, special offices and occasional offices are explained. The present faith and Identity of Saint Thomas Christians are also discussed.

Chapter 1.The Sunday Service
Chapter 2.The daily prayers and special offices
Chapter 3.The occasional offices
Chapter 4.The Worship and faith of the Saint Thomas Christians before 1600
Chapter 5.The faith of the Saint Thomas Christians today
Chapter 6.The Identity of the Saint Thomas Christians

Appendices 1. System of transliteration
2. Spelling of place-names
3. Glossary

List of Illustrations

-Monolithic stone cross at Kaduthuruthy consecrated by Archbishop Menezes in 1599
-The smaller stone cross in Valyapalli
-The copper plates in possession of Mar Thoma Church
-His Holiness the Catholicos, Mar Baselios Geevarghese II
-Font at Kaduthuruthy Chuch showing Hindu influence in decoration and Stone lamps of Hindu type in the Chuchyard at Chenganoor
-A typical Syrian Christian House
-The Church at Chenganoor
-Map of Travancore- Cochin, showing Syrian Christian Centers

The Indian Christians of St. Thomas, was first published in 1956. Its title was criticized as it did not deal with all the Saint Thomas Christians, but with only one section – the Orthodox and or Jacobites. It was reissued with additional chapter in 1982. The Catholic section of Saint Thomas Christians ( Syro Malabar ) are not discussed in detail. Dr. Brown, has refered most of the existing studies about Jacobities history.This is a scholarly work on Jacobite/ Orthodox/ Mar Thoma history, religious worship of Syriac Orthodox and social life of Saint Thomas Christians in general. The book is published by Cambridge University Press.

Picture – 1. Front Cover of The Indian Christians of St. Thomas by Dr. Leslie Brown

Picture – 2. Map of Travancore- Cochin, showing Syrian Christian Centers from, The Indian Christians of St. Thomas by Dr. Leslie Brown

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Author can be reached on admin at nasrani dot net
________________________________________________________________________________

NSC NETWORK Article Footnotes

1. http://www.independent.co.uk/arts-entertainment/obituary-the-right-rev-leslie-brown-1135067.html

• “Christianity in India- a History in ecumenical perspective” by HC Perumalil and ER Hambye
• “The Arrival of the Portuguese in India and the Thomas Christians under Mar Jacob 1498-1552” by Dr. Mathias Mundadan
• ‘The St. Thomas Christian Encyclopaedia of India’- Volume II , Chief Editor Prof.George Menachery
• ‘The St. Thomas Christian Encyclopedia of India’- Volume I -Prof. George Menachery
• Sixteenth Century Churches – Churches belonging to Catholics and Syriac Orthodox ( 1818 AD-Statistics)
• ‘Origin of Christianity in India’ by Dr.Benedict Vadakkekara
• ‘The Thomas Christians’ by Placid Podipara

The book is written in Portuguese perspective, mixed with facts, distorted interpretations, pre conceptions, prejudices and ignorance. The entire account of Gouvea is written to praise the Portuguese missionaries especially the achievements of Dom Alexis de Menezes. There are many people who hold the view that Gouvea was the personal historian of Menezes and one has to read this book keeping in mind the purpose it is written.

The value of this work lies with the fact that it accounts the final latinization attempts by Portuguese which resulted in severing the ties of this native Christian community with the Church of East. Also the book accounts the traditions, customs, description of churches, places among the St. Thomas Christian community against the background of these visits by Menezes.

“Jornada of Dom Alexis de Menezes: A Portuguese account of the Sixteenth century Malabar” edited by Dr. Pius Malekandathil is an English translation of “Jornada do Arcebispo” by Antonio de Gouvea.

The original work was compiled in 1603 which was first published in Portuguese in Coimbra, Portugal in 1606. In 1609, a French translation came out from Bruxelles and Antwerp. There was a latin version in the eighteenth century. It took four hundred years for a complete English translation.

This painstaking effort was carried out by Dr. Pius Malekandathil.^[2] He is at present the Reader in History at the Department of History, Sree Sankaracharya University of Sanskrit, Kalady. He undertook this work when he was the Reader in History at Goa University. His areas of specialization includes, Maritime History of India, History of European Expansion, Socio-Economic History of Medieval India Studies in Indian Ocean Societies and History of Science and Technology in Pre-Colonial India.

1. Overview of the Book

The book of Jornada has three parts. This book also has a 53 page, ten part, lengthy introduction written by Dr. Pius Malekandathil which will help the readers in being cautious and seriously critical in accepting the statements and assertions of Jornada. There are also 482 elaborate, scholarly notes which helps to evaluate the statements of Antonio de Gouvea.In translation the name of places have been kept as it is in original Jornada. There is also a 5 page index of places mentioned in Jornada and their corresponding modern names. It also has a Map of places of Malabar as described in Jornada attached.

2. Book in detail

2.1 Introduction

Some observations from the 53 page Introduction by Dr. Pius Malekandathil,

- The purpose of the visit as we understand from Jornada was to purge St. Thomas Christians of their “heresies” and “errors” to give them true Catholic faith, to destroy all their “heretical” books, to convoke a synod of the church and finally to make them obey the Roman Church by severing their ties with the Mesopotamian Church and by making them take an oath to receive only the prelates send by the Latin Church. Menezes enjoyed second rank in authority in Portuguese India and he hoped that with his authority he would achive the target. It was the difference in the customs, practises and ritual traditions of St. Thomas Christians that were viewed as errors or heresies. Perfect conformity to the Latin cum Lusitanian practices was projected by Menezes as the best way to “obey the Catholic Church”.

- One should also see whether the so called “ attempt to bring this indigenous Christian community under Rome “ was actually meant to bring them under Rome at all or was it used as a pretext to bring them under the Portuguese nationalistic church structure of Padroado, a development which would also ensure the trader from Portugal to control the spice producer of Malabar better. Nothing can be conclusively said because of the merging of diverse motives at different historical phases.

- The Portuguese period of Indian history exhibits frequent clashes between the old world system and the emerging new world system. In the old world system, whose trade routes terminated in the Mediterranean, the St. Thomas Christian played a vital role because of their linkage with religious and commercial networks of West Asia. It was for integrating the spice producing community of St. Thomas Christians to new world system, the Portuguese entered the hinterlands of Malabar. The spice production centers are located far away from the coast and were outside the control of Portuguese. Right from the very beginning Portuguese has to depend on the producing community, the St. Thomas Christians to receive consignments of Pepper. In 1520, this was accomplished with the help of Chaldean prelate Mar Jacob Abuna. The efforts to get pepper in exchange of artilleries and guns were not very successful in the kingdoms of Edappilly, Vadakkenkur and Parur. Further attempts to integrate spice producing community with Portuguese commercial networks begin in the form of annual monetary rewards paid to the inland rulers from 1533 onwards. From 1554 onwards Portuguese state paid annually an amount of 72,000 reais each to the rulers of Vadakkenkur, Thekkenkur, Parur, Purakkad, Diamper and Alengad. 640 cruzados to the king of Cochin as well as 42,000 reais to the Karta of Alwaye and 72,000 reais to the king of Thodupuzha for ensuring regular flow of Pepper to the Portuguese factor at Cochin. These did not bring the desired results and latinization of the spice producing community of St. Thomas Christians seems to be the alternative to control the hinterlands of production where commanilty in religion was projected as a cementing factor to suit the commercial interests of Portuguese. In a wider mercantile context this was the effective way for the trading group to control the producing group.

- One has to specially note that the Patriarch, whom the Synod of Diamper and the Archbishop in his visit of churches condemned and declared as a heretic was a Catholic Patriarch in communion with the Roman Catholic Church and the bishops who were suspected to be heretics were send by the Patriarch in communion with Roman Catholic Church. This clearly shows that at the time of this exercise, St. Thomas Christians were already Catholic and then in that case the purpose of the visits made by Archbishop to the hinterlands of Malabar was not for converting the St. Thomas Christians to Catholic as was claimed but was for something else.

- The depiction that the visits of Archbishop was undertaken to cleanse the St. Thomas Christian community of “heresy” as well as “wrong practices” and to “true faith” enabled the Portuguese to cover the hidden motives they had. The use of these phrases and the equation of practices and customs of the community with heresy against the context of Protestant Reformation in Europe had assured its desired results, on one hand it gave sufficient justification for Portuguese to intervene in the activities of this community for “cleaning” and on the other hand it ensured support in Catholic Europe for the Lusitanian ventures to change the affairs of St. Thomas Christians according to their politico- commercial interests.

2.2 Synopsis of Jornada

2.2.1. Book One

First part has 22 chapters, dealing with the early history of St. Thomas Christians and mostly about the activities of Menezis leading to the convoking of Syond of Diamper.

There is also an account of the Portugues efforts to intervene in the affairs of the Coptic Christians of Ethiopia. The visit of Menezes to the different churches and Christian settlements of St. Thomas Christians and the opposition he has to face from them. The Portuguese attempts to capture Kunjali Marakkar and his Muslim allies who resisted the naval hegemony of the Portuguese in Indian waters. It also mentions efforts to contain the emerging power of Travancore which are of serious concern for Portuguese interests.

Christian custom of Chaverpada (amoucos) is also discussed. There are also minute details about the indigenous traditions of liturgical celebrations, practices and customs are detailed. A detailed description of how Menezes won the co-operation of resisting St. Thomas Christians to his side is also given.

One of the most impressive one that touched the hearts of many of the St. Thomas Christians was the washing of feet of 12 Kathanars at Kaduthuruthy on Holy Thursday. This ritual being a novel thing for the community was viewed by many as the holiness and humilty of the second greatest officials of Portuguese in India.

The Archbishop who had manifold plans and strategies stunned the opponents with his impressive undertakings. By fully knowing that the priests of Malabar had their allegiance towards Patriach of Bablyon, he resorted to a chain of ordinations at Diamper, Kaduthuruthy and Parur, that earned him more than hundred priests and their relativies as supporters in the Syond of Diamper. The Archbishop spend 18,000 pardaos for the bestowal of gifts for his opponents, defiant chieftains and inland rulers to gather support to his actions.

Chapter 1- Regarding the origin and growth of St. Thomas Christians
Chapter 2- Regarding the persecution of Christians at Mailapor and how they moved on to those who were living in Malabar and the expansion of the community
Chapter 3- Of how the Church of Serra was made Metropolitan of India and among them entered the heresy of Nestor.
Chapter 4- Of the death of last Nestorian Archbishop and efforts of Menezes to bring the Christians of St. Thomas to the obedience of Roman Church
Chapter 5- About how the Archbishop of Goa made the Archdeacon the Governor of the Bishopric of Serra
Chapter 6- Of how the ArchBishop left Goa and what he did at Cannanore
Chapter 7- Of the Origin of Catholics who are there in the Empire of Abyssinia which we call Prester John
Chapter 8- Of how the Bishop Dom Andre de Oviedo reached the Emperor of Abyssinia and how he died
Chapter 9- How the Archbishop left from Cannanore and arriving in Cochin started to deal with matters of Serra
Chapter 10- Of how the Archbishop started to visit churches of Serra and what happened in churches of Vaipicotta
Chapter 11- What the Archbishop went through in the churches of Alengad, Chowara and Kanjoor.
Chapter 12- Of how the Archbishop went to Quilon and of what was done there in the fortification of the fort.
Chapter 13- Of how the Archbishop gave ordinations at Diamper and went to Kaduthuruthy where he performed the rituals of the Holy Week.
Chapter 14- Of how the nobles and Cassanars of the people of Kaduthuruthy subjected themselves to obedience of Archbishop, on the friday of the cross.
Chapter 15- Of how the whole people of Kaduthuruthy accepeted the Archbishop as their prelate in the procession of the resurrection and gave obedience to the Holy Roman Church.
Chapter 16- Of what the Archbishop did in Diamper and retired himself to Cranganore to convene the Synod.
Chapter 17- Of how the Archdeacon ultimately submitted himself to the obedience of Roman Church and of the Archbishop, and both of them convened the people for the Diocesan Synod of Diamper.
Chapter 18- Of the errors which the Christians of St. Thomas had in the things of the Faith and what they observed in Ecclesiastical matters.
Chapter 19- Of the customs of the Christians of St. Thomas in secular matters.
Chapter 20- Regarding the celebration of the Synod.
Chapter 21- In which one proceeds regarding at what happened at the Synod of Diamper.
Chapter 22- Of the end of the Synod, and of how the Christians became more confirmed in the faith by what happened in the procession.

2.2.2 Book Two

Second book which has fifteen chapters deals with the visit of Archbishop Menezes to the various settlements of the St. Thomas Christians after the conclusion of Synod for implementing the decesions. Gouvea pictures him as a Victor. The dissenting priests and the protesting group are pictured as insignificant minority who are either punished by the wrath of God or rectified by the admonition of the Archbishop

He also emphasizes on evangelization and the priests of St. Thomas Christians were send to Malleas for evangelization work. Gouvea also furnishes extensive details on the tradition of the veneration of the cross in Malabar. It might be one of the earliest documents that refers to Pahlavi inscribed cross as St. Thomas cross.

Chapter 1- Of the manner in which the Archbishop used to visit the churches after celebrating the Synod.
Chapter 2- How the Archbishop started to visit the Churches, and of the visitation of Diamper and Kottyam, and the of the miracle of the Cross of St. Thomas.
Chapter 3- Of how the Archbishop ordered the preaching of the faith to the Malleas, and of the beginning of their conversion.
Chapter 4- How the Archbishop came with the King of Purakkad about the visit of the churches of Diamper,Small Parur and Mulanthuruty
Chapter 5- Of the Visitation of the churches of Akaparambu, and of Alengad and of very noble case which took place in this bazaar.
Chapter 6- Of the Visitation of the churches of Vaipicotta,Muttam,Pallipuram and Kalloorkadu
Chapter 7- Of the Visitation of the churches of Purakkad, Kayamkulam and Quilon
Chapter 8- Of what Archbishop did in the fort of Quilon
Chapter 9- Of the Visitation of the Church of Tevalakkara, and what the Archbishop discussed with King of Kundara
Chapter 10- Of the Visitation of the Churches of Kallada and Kadambanad
Chapter 11- Of how the Archbishop made peace with King of Kayamkulam and of the visitation of the churches of Karthikapally, Cheppadu,Puthiakavu and Niranam
Chapter 12- Of the Visitation of church of Chengannoor
Chapter 13- Of the Visitation of churches of Changanacherry, Pulinkunnu, Piravam and Kaduthuruthy
Chapter 14- Of the Visitation of churches of Kuravilangadu and Elenji
Chapter 15-Of what the Archbishop passed through in Parur and of how, coming over to Goa, left us Governor of the Bishopric of Serra its Archdeacon.

2.2. 3. Book Three

Third book deals with the departure of Archbishop from Malabar and his activities in Calicut, Mangalore, Basrur and Honawar on his way to goa. This part also contains the customs and practices of the Bedouins of Socotora as well as the activities of the Augustinian monks sent by the Archbishop to the court of Shah Abbas I of Perisa among them Gouvea was also a delegate.

Chapter 1- Of what the Archbisjhop did in Cochin before embarking for Goa.
Chapter 2- Of how Archbishop swore in the King of Porca as Brother in arms of the King of Portugual and of the agreement made with him.
Chapter 3- Of how the Archbishop left Cochin, and what happened until he met King Samorin.
Chapter 4- Of how the Archbishop met Samorin, King of Calicut on the beach of Coriche.
Chapter 5- Of how the Archbishop visited church of Mangalore and of a noteworthy case of a penitent who confessed to him, where also is given information of the place of the fort of the Serra of Assarim.
Chapter 6- Of the Visitation of the churches of Basrur and Honawar, and of a feast which was celebrated in Honawar in the Kingdom of Gerussoppa.
Chapter 7- Of the Archbishop arrived in Goa and of a notable conversion of a gentile, which took place before he entered the city.
Chapter 8- Of what happened in the Bishopric of Serra after the Archbishop returned to Goa.
Chapter 9- Of how the Archbishop was determined to take Cassanars of Serra to the Island of Socotora and to do for its Christendom, what he had done for that of the Malabar.
Chapter 10- Of the rites and customs observed by the Bedouins of Socotora who were called Christians.
Chapter 11- Of how was discovered a settlement in the bishopric of Serra of Christians who were not baptized and received the baptism and of three Religious of the Order of our Father St. Augustine whom the Archbishop send to Great Shah of Persia.
Chapter 12- Of the three Religious Ambassadors left from Ormuz and made their voyage until they reached the Court of Shah Abbas I and what they discussed with him.
Chapter 13- Of how Shah Abbas I sent an Ambassador of his in my company to the Viceroy of India.

Jornada is an important historical document of Sixteenth century. Scholarly footnotes, introduction makes this book a must read for those interested in the history of St. Thomas Christians. The book is published by LRC and prized at Rs.500 /-

Picture – 1. Front Cover of Jornada of Dom Alexis de Menezes: A Portuguese account of the Sixteenth century Malabar edited by Dr. Pius Malekandathil

Picture – 2. Original cover of “Jornada do Arcebispo” by Antonio de Gouvea

Picture -3 Map of places of Malabar as described in Jornada 1606.

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Author can be reached on admin at nasrani dot net
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NSC NETWORK Article Footnotes

1. The controversial Synod of Diamper has been proved invalid by late Bishop Jonas Thaliath in his thesis at the Pontifical Gregorian University in 1952 on the ground that it was convoked without authority, conducted not according to the Canon of the Church and was never properly approved by Rome – Synod of Diamper by Jonas Thaliath
2. http://www.tanap.net/content/universities/counterparts.cfm?ArticleID=159

• “The Arrival of the Portuguese in India and the Thomas Christians under Mar Jacob 1498-1552” by Dr. Mathias Mundadan
• ‘The Indian Christians of St. Thomas’ by Dr. Leslie Brown
• “Christianity in India- a History in ecumenical perspective” by HC Perumalil and ER Hambye
• ‘Origin of Christianity in India’ by Dr.Benedict Vadakkekara
• Raja Thoma Villarvattam – King of the Nasranis
• ‘The St. Thomas Christian Encyclopaedia of India’- Volume II , Chief Editor Prof.George Menachery
• Focus I- Ramapuram twin churches, Role, History & Rituals

There are two music traditions among Syriac Christians in Kerala- East Syriac and West Syriac. Some of the ancient chants composed by Ephraem, the Syrian are used in both traditions. Syro Malabar Church and the Chaldean Church of Trichur (Church of the East) follow the East Syriac traditions and the different Orthodox/Jacobite churches follow the West Syriac tradition in their liturgies.

The ancient Christianity was evolved in Syriac culture and language. The Aramaic language was the official tongue of the Asia Minor up to Arabian Peninsula for many centuries. The flexibility of this Semitic language helped the expression and propagation of early Christianity up to India and beyond. Many early Christian writings have come to us in Syriac and constitute a great body of patristic, historical and exegetical work. Some of finest hymns and theological texts originated in the minds of Syriac speaking scholars who dominated the Eastern Christian realm.^[2]

The St Thomas Christians used East Syriac Liturgy and East Syriac chants before the arrival of the Portuguese Missionaries. The rich liturgical heritage of the East Syriac church can be traced back to the early centuries of Christianity. The Anaphora of apostles Addai and Mari constitutes the earliest surviving anaphora.^[3]

History of Syriac chants goes back to the period of Ephraim, the Syrian. (AD 306-373). The liturgical chants in the East Syriac tradition were reformed by Babai of Gabilta in the 8th century. The East Syriac liturgy says “as our melodies are beautiful, so, let our conduct be the same in His presence, so that with our words and our deeds, we may please the Lord.”^[4].

A new set of Syriac music also evolved in Kerala due to the attempts of latinisations by the Portuguese missionaries. This has historical and ethno musicological importance also.

When the Portuguese missionaries arrived, they wanted to introduce Latin liturgy among Syriac Christians. Syriac Christians vehemently opposed to it. Nothing other than Syriac was acceptable to them. So, the missionaries had to compromise and they had to satisfy with modifications only in the Syriac liturgy to remove the so called Nestorian elements. (Synod of Diamper 1599). Later due to political and other reasons, the Syriac Christians revolted against the missionaries at the historic Coonan cross oath. (1653). This made the missionaries to become a bit mild in their latinisation attempts and due to various factors like involvement of Carmelite Missionaries, the fact that the revolted group did not have a legitimate bishopric, also due to the political pressure from the Portuguese through the local kings etc., sections of Syriac Christians returned and joined with the missionaries. Subsequently, the missionaries were successful in introducing some Latin practices among the Syriac Christians like the benediction novena, solemn vespers, litany etc. that too only after translating the services into Syriac. This led to composition of appropriate chants in Syriac. These were created by either the missionaries or the local indigenous Syriac Christians.

All these were vernacularised in 1960s but the Syriac music prevailed. Fr. Abel Periappuram CMI (1920-2001) played a significant role in the transition of Syriac liturgy into Malayalam in the Syro Malabar church and he kept the Syriac music in the vernacularised liturgy which facilitated the continuity of the Syriac music tradition.

The role played by CMI congregation in Syro Malabar church in preserving the Syriac tradition is very important. The CMI congregation was created by Palackal Thoma Malpan (1780-1841), Porukkara Thoma Kathanaar (1799-1846) and Bl Kuriakose Elias Chavara (1805-1871) as the first indigenous monastic congregation for the Syriac Christians at Mannanam in Kottayam district of Kerala. It was the brain child of Palackal Thoma Malpan. Mannanam played a very important role in the evolution of Syro Malabar church in the Roman Catholic communion. Bl. Kuriackose Elias established St. Joseph’s press in 1844 to print Syriac books. It has to be noted that the same CMI fathers were instrumental in introducing many Latin practices in the Syro Malabar church, diluting its Syriac Christian heritage.

Qambel Maran is a music CD released by Pan Records Netherlands under their ethnic series by the Christian Musicological Society of India. This CD contains chants of the Syriac Christians of Kerala, South India. This contains 29 Syriac chants in 5 different sections sung by a few CMI priests from Kerala with Syriac choir in different Syro Malabar churches. This 66 minute CD comes with a 16 page very informative booklet also with relevant photographs. The booklet provides useful historical, linguistic and musical information on the chants. English translation and transliteration of the contents of the CD is also available.

This is a research product of Rev. Dr. Joseph Palackal, a CMI priest from Syro Malabar Church. He is a musicologist, composer and singer with special interest in the musical traditions of Indian Christians. He is the founder president of the Christian Musicology Society of India. He earned degrees in Christian theology, Psychology, and Hindustani classical vocal music in India and Ph. D. in Ethnomusicology from the Graduate Center of the City University of New York. He has published a number of research papers in English and Malayalam.^[5]

The authorship of most of these chants is unknown. These are handed over by generations. Chants 3 and 16 are probably by Ephraim the Syrian. These texts were transmitted orally and via manuscripts until 19 century when printing in Syriac started in Kerala. The producer has confirmed the source of the text from the collection of ancient Syriac books at St. Joseph’s Monastery, Mannanam, Kottayam.

The music of these chants is the same as the liturgical songs of Middle Eastern churches. This music is also handed over to generations by oral tradition. There were some attempts to publish notations but that did not get popularized and there were regional deviations also. The producers deserve compliments in that they have taken very keen interest in keeping the traditional music in this CD. This is a real attempt to preserve our Syriac music heritage which is being disintegrated due to the vernacularisation of the liturgy. Note that these chants were sung by the choir of two Syro Malabar churches- St John’s Konthuruthy and St Mary’s Forane Church, Pallipuram, Cherthala, and the latter choir consists of a family who performs in the parish for more than a century which confirms the continuation of the tradition.

Violin, Harmonium, Drum and Triangle are the commonly used musical instruments in the liturgy. Violin is referred by Syriac music performers in Kerala as fiddle or rebec. All of these are string instruments and rebec, although it is a European instrument, it was derived from rebab, an Arabic- Islamic instrument. So, it is possible that we would have used such an instrument in the pre Portugese period. Harmonium, drum and triangle are probably European introductions.

This CD contains Syriac chants from different time span- from the ancient time of St. Ephraim, the Syrian, through the Portuguese latinisation era of composition of indigenous Syriac chants- showing a historical transformation of Syriac music heritage in Kerala. It is also a model for future researchers to study lesser-known musical genres in India.^[6]

These Syriac liturgical chants are categorized into the following different names.^[7]

Slotza – it is a prayer.
Hutamma is a concluding prayer at the end of a service.
A psalm is called mazmora.
Marmiza is a set of two or more psalms.
Chants of praise are called tesbohta.
Madrasas contain didactic texts which are sung in a solo refrain manner.
Turgama is an interpretation of biblical text.
Onita is a very popular type of chant which is sung in two groups that alternate the strobes The strobes begins with an incipit- suraya- which is often a verse from psalms that introduces the theme of the strobe and often falls outside the syllabic structure of the strobe The designated leader of each group intones the incipit that serves also as a cue for the melody of the strobe.

Some of these chants are restricted for certain occasions only-for example, services for the dead, some are only sung for funeral services of clergy, some are only for Raza etc.

The chants in the CD are divided into 5 groups as follows.^[8]

I CHANTS FROM THE LITURGY OF HOURS

The most common hours are Ramsa, (evening) and Sapra (morning) in the East Syriac tradition. Leliya (night) is sung by monastic communities only.

1.Awun D’wasmayya- our father in heaven.

The Lord’s Prayer contains probably the exact words that Jesus taught his disciples. The chant begins with the greeting of the angels to the shepherds at Christmas night- and on earth, peace and good hope for all people Luke 1:14.In the East Syriac tradition, the prayer is further interpolated four times with the text based on the hymn of angels mentioned in Isaiah 6:3 and revelations 4:8- “Holy Holy Holy are you-qandis qandis qandisat. This chant is a slota.-prayer or supplication and is a part of solemn vespers- sung ramsa. The celebrant and the choir alternate the verses and the deacon concludes the chant with a wish for peace (n’salle slamma Amman)

2 Hallel hallel- praise praise

This is from Leliya. Usually sung before the Christmas night qurbana.This chant is from the third marmiza that consists of psalm 93, 94 and 95 “we glorify you with songs, the angels sang hallelujah, hallelujah, hallelujah, at the birth of the Christ the King”, and “the being who is from the eternity”

3. Iso maran msiha- Lord Jesus Christ

This is an acrostic hymn by St Ephraim titled “Hymn of praise composed by St Ephraem with the letters of Jesus Christ-tesbota d’awida I mar aprem al atwata d’ Iso maran m’siha. It is sung in Sapra on a Sunday. This melody is one of those common to all the Syriac traditions in Kerala.

4 Marya kolhon hawbai-Lord all my faults

This is an onitsa from Lelia on Thursday. The text describes the cry of a repentant sinner who seeks refuge in God’s mercy.

5 Bendan sapra- in the morning

This is an onitsa from sapra on Monday. This describes the scene at the second coming of Christ. This is an example of hepta syllabic verses in Syriac poetry, popularized by St Ephraem – B’en-dan-sap-ra-d’met-pat-hin

6. Esthappanos

This is an onitsa from ramsa on Tuesday. It describes the death of St Stephen, the martyr.

7 Brik hannana-blessed is the merciful one.

This is a tesbohta from leliya on a Sunday praising the mystery of incarnation.

8 Etpan al slotsa- turn to the prayer.

This is a tesbohta from Leliya on a Monday.

9 Taw n’yaqar- come let us honour

This is from the Leliya on the feast of virgins

II CHANTS FROM THE RAZA

The most solemn form of East Syriac Qurbana is called Raza. The degree of solemnity depends on the number of celebrants, number of readings and chants, rubrics, musical instruments and incense. Raza are celebrated on feasts.

10 Sliwa dahwa ian- the cross that became for us

The public veneration of the cross is part of the introductory ceremonies of Raza. The celebrant offers the cross to the people who show their respect by kissing it.

11 O dezdamman inja-O you are invited

This is a turgamma-interpretation to prepare people to listen to the reading from the Bible. A special feature of this particular chant is the addition of the vocable inja at the end of each line which is not in the text, in order to fill the melodic and metric structure. Such practice, which is common in secular folk songs in Kerala, seems to be peculiar to the liturgical tradition of the Syro Malabar church.

12 K’tawa ramba- the great book

This is sung in the Raza during the gospel procession. The same text and melody is sung four times, each time, with a different incipit.

13 Slam lek maryam- hail Mary

This is a hutamma-concluding prayer from the liturgy for the feast of the Blessed Virgin Mary. The celebrant sings the verses and the congregation responds by singing amen

III CHANTS FROM THE SERVICES FOR THE DEAD

14 Qambel maran- receive o our lord

This madrasa from the short form of the office for the dead sung in a solo- group format. The celebrant sings the verses and the congregation repeats the first stanza as a refrain. This is sung by Fr Abel in this CD- probably the only recorded music by Fr Abel available.

15 La tekre lak- don’t be sorry

This is from the funeral services for the lay people. This is sung during the funeral procession from the home to the church.

16 Laika ezal min ruhak- where shall I go from your spirit

This is written by St Ephraem, based on psalm 139. The text is an example of syriac prosody in which a strophe consists of lines with varying number of syllables- e.g. lines of 8, 9, 10 and 7 as in lai-ka-ma-ran/ne-roq-ne-nnak//W’ai-na-at-ra/net-thse-min-qud-maik// en-hu-mar-d’har-te/d’al-ma-ma-thyat-la//b’rah-me-neh-we/su-la-mma//

17 B’had min yawmin- on one of the days

This is a madrasa for the funeral services for lay women. The text describes the sorrow of Martha and Mary at the loss of their brother Lazarus.

18 Etta pus lek- farewell o church

This is from funeral services for priests.

IV SYRIAC TRANSLATION OF LATIN CHANTS

These chants belong to the particular phase of the history of Syro Malabar church and hence important historically.

19. Quryelaison- Lord have mercy
This was used in the litany in honour of Blessed Virgin Mary- para liturgical service called ladinj.

20. Ha qes sliwa- Behold the wood of cross

This is used in Good Friday celebrations. This is a translation from Latin service.

21 Sanbah lesan- praise my tongue

This is a free translation of the first stanza of the famous Latin hymn Pange Lingua- Sing my tongue- used in benediction of Corpus Christi.

22 Kollan dasne- Let us all offer.

Syriac translation of the last two stanzas of Latin hymn Pange Lingua.

23 Ta lak ruha- Come O spirit.

This is the Syriacised Latin chant Veni Creator Spiritus. For the invocation of Holy Spirit in the ordination rites.

24 Slam lek- Hail to you.

This is a Latin chant Salve Regina translated into Syriac, used in Syro Malabar church in various occasions like ladinj etc.

V. CHANTS FOR SPECIAL OCCASIONS

25. Bar marium- Son of Mary.

This is an ancient chant used by the Knanaya Community in the wedding ceremony.

26 Lak mar yawsep- You, St Joseph.

This is a chant praising St. Joseph. This was probably introduced in the post Diamper period in devotion to St. Joseph.

27. Sanbah I’marya- Praise the lord

Psalm 117 is sung with a refrain halleluijah added to each verse. This is sung as a part of flag hoisting ceremony on the first day of the parish Feast.

28. Hadmin ire- One from the angels.

This is about the angel Gabriel, used during the feast of annunciation on March 25.

29 B’eda d’yawman- On this festival day.

This is a tesbohta in honour of the Blessed Virgin Mary from the solemn vespers for Marian feasts.

In all of these chants except bar marium, no female voice is heard which denotes that in the past, Syriac choir was male only. It may be that women were not allowed in the bema.

This CD is a very valuable piece of work in the Syriac heritage. As the liturgy was vernacularised, the Syriac heritage is slowly disintegrating in our community. This is causing identity crisis which is the important cause of the differences in the church. I think, this CD will revive our old Syriac music tradition in our churches and will be a valuable guide to our choir. We should encourage the choir to sing a few of these Syriac chants in the Holy Qurbana on at least Sundays. The synod should also instruct the community to use these beautiful chants in our Qurbana.

PS. Many thanks to Mr. Bernard Kleikamp ( PAN Records, Netherlands) and Rev. Dr. Joseph Palackal for permission to use two clips of 30 sec. length each from the CD as a sample in the article.

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Author M Thomas Antony can be reached by email at – m dot Thomas dot antony at live.co.uk.
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NSC NETWORK Article Footnotes

1. Syriac chant traditions in South India, Palackal, Joseph J., Ph.D., City University of New York, 2005, 245 pages; AAT 3170204
2. Michael Najim ThD, Antioch and Syriac Christianity, A chalcedonian perspective on a spiritual heritage.
3. Sebastian Broke, Oxford University, Some early witnesses of East Syriac liturgical tradition, Journal of Assyrian Academic studies, Vol 18 No 1, 2004
4. Geoffrey Wainwright, Westerfield Tucker, Oxford history of Christian worship. Oxford University Press, 2006,
5. Wikipedia article about Joseph Palackal.
6. Dr. Paulachan Kochappilly, CMI. Christian Orient, Vol. 27, no. 2 (2006), pp. 82-83.
7. Qambel Maran- Syriac chants from South India, PAN records, Netherlands- CD and leaflet.
8. http://www.thecmsindia.org/- Official home page of Christian Musicological Society, www.panrecords.nl- the website of Pan Records Netherlands

• “Kerala, the Cradle of Christianity in South Asia”-a DVD Documentary on the cultural interface of religion and music- An eye opener to the Religio cultural identity of the St. Thomas Christians in Kerala.
• Surviving MSS- Old Testament Manuscripts, Psalms and New Testament Manuscripts of Christians of Saint Thomas
• ‘The St. Thomas Christian Encyclopaedia of India’- Volume II , Chief Editor Prof.George Menachery
• Sixteenth Century Churches – Churches belonging to Catholics and Syriac Orthodox ( 1818 AD-Statistics)
• “The Arrival of the Portuguese in India and the Thomas Christians under Mar Jacob 1498-1552” by Dr. Mathias Mundadan
• ‘The Indian Christians of St. Thomas’ by Dr. Leslie Brown
• SRITE- Project for Preserving the Manuscripts of the Syrian Christians in India

It can be read in W. Cureton’s “Ancient Syriac Documents” , p.32.

“And after the death of the apostles there were Guides and Rulers in the churches, and whatsoever the apostles had committed to them, and they had received from them, they taught to the multitudes all the time of their lives. They, again, at their deaths also committed and delivered to their disciples after them every thing which they had received from the apostles; also what James had written from Jerusalem, and Simon from the city of Rome, and John from Ephesus, and Mark from the great Alexandria, and Andrew from Phrygia, and Luke from Macedonia, and Judas Thomas from India: that the epistles of an apostle might be received and read in the churches that were in every place, like those Triumphs of their Acts, which Luke wrote, are read; that by this the apostles might be known, and the prophets, and the Old Testament and the New; that one truth was preached by them all, that one Spirit spoke in them all from one God, whom they had all worshipped and had all preached. And the various countries received their teaching. “

The passage seems to have stood originally in “The Doctrine of Addai”: see F.Nau, La Didascalie des dovze Apôtres, Appendices, 230.

Does it seem too bold to postulate that Thomas wrote a letter from Taxila and or from Malabar to the Church in Edessa ?

J N Farquhar in the books “The Apostle Thomas in North India” and “The Apostle Thomas in South India” has critically examined the possibilities. This brief write up is based on these two books.

There is one very definite statement in early Syriac literature to the effect that he sent letters from India; and there is abundance of indirect evidence that such a letter as we have described lay in Edessa until the close of the second century at least.

In all references to Thomas in literature arising from Edessa, the Apostle is called Judas Thomas; and it seems clear that the double name comes from the Apostle’s letter. In writing the letter he would inevitably use his own name, and would naturally add to it the word for “twin,” which had been so universally used instead of his real name.

There are two possibilities of Thomas the Apostle writing to the Church in Edessa from Taxila and from Malabar. Lets briefly examine how would have the letters being send from Taxila and Malabar.

How was the letter sent from Taxila ?

Two routes, in normal circumstances, were open from Taxila to Edessa. The first was the land route from Taxila, which led over the Indus, up the Cabul valley, over the Hindu Kush and then west to Merv. Thence it led to Hecatompylos, Ecbatana and Ctesiphon, and so on to Edessa.

Our knowledge of the relations subsisting between the two Parthian empires at this time is too slight to enable us to say with certainty whether the land route would in those days be safe and speedy or not. It seems likely that it would be quite impossible, but the sea route would certainly be open.

Habban would send the letter down the Indus to some Government official in Pattala, and he in turn would send it, by the captain of the first ship sailing to the Persian Gulf, to some friend or agent of Tobias in Charax Spasini—which is now roughly represented by Basrah. From Charax it would be sent by road to Edessa.

How was the letter sent from Malabar ?

As soon as he was settled in Muziris, he would wish to communicate, if possible, with Habban. If Gudnaphar had a Trade Agent (panyadyaksha) in the Muziris port, as seems probable, he would arrange to forward Thomas’s letter at the first opportunity. Otherwise, Thomas would get one of his commercial friends to send the letter by the first ship sailing to the Indus.

Further, if we are right in our conjecture, that he had sent a letter from Taxila to Edessa with the news of his arrival in Gudnaphar’s capital he would be most eager to write again to the Church, to tell them about his new field.

Trade between the Persian Gulf and India began at very early dates and plays a large part in Indian commerce to-day.^[1]

In the first century, we hear of ships sailing from Charax Spasini, Apologus, and the other ports of the Gulf to Barygaza and other Indian marts.^[2]

Thus, when a ship arrived in Muziris from Charax, it would be possible, on its return voyage, to send by it a letter, which, delivered to an agent in Charax, would be sent by road to Edessa.

This would be the second of his letters sent from India to the Church of Edessa, according to the statement of the Syriac Didascalia.^[3]

How was the letter treated in Edessa ?

Edessa, modern Urfa in southeastern Turkey, is mentioned in various Greek, Latin, Syriac and Arbic sources. These describe the city as a Hellenistic stronghold, the first Chrisitan kingdom and the cradle of Syriac literature. The historical position made the city an important station on the silk route- like Nisibis and Singara to the east and as such it linked India and China with the Mediterranean world.

The Edessenes believed that their Church stood in peculiarly close relations with the Apostle Thomas, that he was, in the fullest sense, the friend of the Church of Edessa. This deeply rooted feeling comes out clearly in the extraordinary belief that it was Thomas who sent Addai to them. From the same feeling, that Thomas was their Apostle, came the exploit in which a few Edessenes moved or stole the relics of the Apostle and brought them to Edessa.^[4]

There would be great excitement in the Church at Edessa, when the Apostle’s letter arrived and was read at the service on Sunday; and from that day those Christian men and women would feel very closely bound to the daring leader who had carried the message of the Cross into the very heart of Asia.

The letter would be frequently read or referred to in the Church services; and the whole community would feel that Judas Thomas was their Apostle, although he had never visited their city. Every Edessene Christian knew that the land of Thomas’s apostolate was India.

What would happened to the letter ?

If Thomas actually wrote a letter to the Church in Edessa, how did it not become known throughout the Christian world ?.How is it that it is not found in the N.T.?

The reason is that it was a news-letter rather than a letter of spiritual edification. Therefore, other Christian centers would be less likely to desire to possess copies of it for reading in their churches.

But for the Church of Edessa it had the supremest interest, first, because it was a real apostolic letter, secondly, because it was addressed to the Edessene Church; thirdly, because it was written in Aramaic; and lastly, because of the bonds which bound their own beloved leader Tobias to Habban and the Apostle.

But if they treasured the letter so highly, how is it that it does not survive in Syriac literature?

As soon as the first church building^[5] was erected in Edessa, the letter would be kept, along with the other apostolic documents (gospels or epistles) which they possessed, in the Church itself; and this Church (the earliest church building of which we have any record) was destroyed by a flood of the river Daisan in A.D.201 and all the precious MSS. necessarily perished in the disaster.^[6]

Since the author of The Acts of Judas Thomas was able to copy out the historical details contained in the letter, it seems we may safely conclude that his original work must be dated before A.D.201.

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Extract from the books of J N Farquhar, “The Apostle Thomas in North India” and “The Apostle Thomas in South India”
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NSC NETWORK Article Footnotes

1. Cambridge History of India
2. Charlesworth, Trade Routes and Commerce of the Roman Empire- Rawlinson, Intercourse between India and the Western World
3. Nau, La Didascalie des Douze Apotres, Paris, 1912, p. 230.
4. Phillips, Doctrine of Addai, 5; Eusebius, H.E., I., xiii., 4, 11; II., i. 6.
5. The Edessene tradition is that this Church was built by Addai. If the tradition is true, its date was about A.D.95.
6. Harnack, Mission and Expansion, II., 86.

• Mission of Pantaenus in India and Saint Bartholomew, the Apostle in India
• ‘East of the Euphrates- Early Christianity in Asia’ by T.V. Philip
• Hymns of Saint Ephraem (Ephrem) the Syrian, on Apostle Thomas and India
• ‘The St. Thomas Christian Encyclopedia of India’- Volume I -Prof. George Menachery
• ‘The St. Thomas Christian Encyclopaedia of India’- Volume II , Chief Editor Prof.George Menachery
• Ancient Churches with traditional dates of foundation & Stone Crosses of Kerala- Saint Thomas Cross, Nazraney Sthambams and other Persian Crosses
• ‘Origin of Christianity in India’ by Dr.Benedict Vadakkekara

The present volume is the result of a modest venture of the Liturgical Research Centre of the Syro-Malabar Church to study the history of St. Thomas Christians, especially against the background of the early history of the Nambudiri Brahmins and Jews in Kerala (Malabar) and the famous literary work, the Sangam Literature. The study is a sincere attempt to search the roots of this unique Christian community in order to better understand it’s identity and to situate it with more relevance in the present day world.

The book contains the research papers, responses and observations presented in the three seminars on historical questions conducted by the Liturgical Research Centre and published in a very orderly manner which makes it one of the ideal books on many different subjects concerning Thomasine Christian history during various periods and that which can be easily understood by a lay person. Though there are many different topics by various renowned authors and experts, the main thrust of the book is to unravel the early history of the St. Thomas Christian community, by juxtaposing them all, which gives a clearer picture of the community’s early history.

The contents of the volume are interesting, thought-provoking and even challenging, with an unbiased approach towards history alongwith many reliable references provided, as one sees in the volume, hence, the reliability of the work is also assured.

CONTENTS

St. Thomas Christians: A Historical Analysis of their Origin and Development up to 9th Century AD – Pius Malekandathil.

St. Thomas Christians: A Historical Analysis of their Origin and Development up to 9th Century AD – Dr. Pius Malekandathil : A Response – A. Mathias Mundadan CMI.
St. Thomas Christians in Malabar from the 9th to the 16th Centuries – K. S. Mathew.
Response to Dr. K. S. Mathew’s Paper : St. Thomas Christians in Malabar from the 9th to the 16th Centuries – Joseph Kolengadan (Nityasatyananda).
Nambudiris : Migrations and Early Settlements in Kerala – M. G. S. Narayanan.
History/Story : No Last Words : A Response – Scaria Zacharia
St. Thomas Christians and Nambudiri Brahmins : A Note – Rajan Gurukkal
The Nambudiri Community : A History – Kesavan Veluthat
The Jews in Kerala – P. M. Jussay
The Jews in Kerala : A Response – Samuel H. Hallegua
The Jews in Kerala : A Response – A. Mathias Mundadan CMI
Sangam Literature and its Relevance – SIRPI Balasubramaniam
Sangam Literature and Christian Elements – R. Balachandran
Sangam Literature and Christianity : A Response – P. K. George SJ
Early Tamil Oral, Literary and Architectural Traditions and St. Thomas Christians – K. Sadasivan

Observations:

• St. Thomas Christians and Nambudiris in Kerala – Cherian Varicatt & James Puliurumpil
• Brahmins, Jews and Thomas Christians – Francis Kanichikattil CMI
• Tradition : Myth or Truth ? – John Kudiyiruppil MST
• Christianity is truly indigenous – John Palakunnel
• Validity of St. Thomas Tradition – K. A. Antony
• Historicity of St. Thomas Tradition – Sebastian Thayil

The contributors are some of the most renowned experts in history and literature and their professional profile is enlisted below as provided in the volume.

CONTRIBUTORS

Pius MALEKANDATHIL is the reader in the Department of History of Goa University.

A. Mathias MUNDADAN CMI is professor emeritus of Church History of Dharmaram Vidya Kshetram, Bangalore.

K. S. MATHEW is former Head of the Department of History of Pondicherry University.

Joseph KOLENGADAN (Nityasatyananda) is former professor of English at St. Thomas College, Thrissur and the Head of the Department of English at St. Joseph’s College, Tiruchirapalli.

M. G. S. NARAYANAN is former Head of the Department of History at Calicut University and present Chairman of Indian Council of Historical Research (ICHR), New Delhi.

Scaria ZACHARIA is professor in the Department of Malayalam / School of Cultural Studies of Sree Sankaracharya University of Sanskrit, Kalady.

Rajan GURUKKAL is the head of the School of Social Sciences of Mahatma Gandhi University, Kottayam.

Kesavan VELUTHAT is reader in the Department of History of Mangalore University.

P. M. JUSSAY is former professor of St. Joseph’s college Tiruchirapalli and Annamalai University, Head of the Department of Humanities of the Regional Engineering College, Calicut and former Editor of ‘Kerala Times’, Ernakulam.

Samuel H. HALLEGUA is the most prominent member of the Jewish community of Mattancherry, Kochi.

SIRPI BALASUBRAMANIAM is former Head of the Department of Tamil of Bharathiar University, Coimbatore.

R. BALACHANDRAN is professor in the Department of English of Manonmaniam Sundaranar University, Tirunelveli.

P. K. GEORGE SJ holds Doctorate in Tamil for comparative study of Latin and Sangam Literature and was for sometime lecturer of Tamil in St. Xavier’s College, Palayamkottai.

K. SADASIVAN is Head of the Department of History of Manonmaniam Sundaranar University, Tirunelveli.

Few notable comments from the Editor as stated in the volume:

“These days one comes across in different circles a surge of interest in history. Unfortunately, very often, what is happening is not a genuine study of history but mere reading into history. In India, it seems , that there is an ever-increasing trend to turn legends into history. People turn to history in order to manipulate it and prove their own pre-conceived ideas and positions. But history itself gives us enough proof that sooner or later any such caricature of history will collapse under its own weight like sandcastles.”

“One who is genuinely not interested to know the real past will be afraid of the future and all the more he will be confused about the present. However, we hope that these studies will provoke in the readers genuine interest in the early history of St. Thomas Christians. By publishing the research papers the book aims at inviting the historians and scholars to come forward with further research and study in these areas of Kerala history, especially early history of Christianity in Kerala.”

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Author Jackson John can be reached on mjjackson_12 at yahoo dot co dot in.
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• ‘The St. Thomas Christian Encyclopaedia of India’- Volume II , Chief Editor Prof.George Menachery
• ‘The St. Thomas Christian Encyclopedia of India’- Volume I -Prof. George Menachery
• ‘Glimpses of Nazraney Heritage’ by Prof George Menachery
• ‘Origin of Christianity in India’ by Dr.Benedict Vadakkekara
• “The Arrival of the Portuguese in India and the Thomas Christians under Mar Jacob 1498-1552” by Dr. Mathias Mundadan
• SRITE- Project for Preserving the Manuscripts of the Syrian Christians in India
• ‘The Nazranies’ by Prof. George Menanchery