Fr. Thomas Paremakkal and Fr.Joseph Kariyattil made their travels to Portugal and Rome on the decision of the general body of the St.Thomas Christians taken at Angamaly for the purpose of informing the Pope and the Queen of Portugal of the various discriminations, sufferings and difficulties that this community experienced over a considerable period of time from the foreign Carmelite missionaries working in Kerala. As the general meeting of the representatives of this community at Angamaly was dominated by feelings of anger and animosity against the European religious missionaries and the European bishop working then in Kerala, the travelogue has anti-Europeanism as its basic thread, critiquing the hegemonic and colonial fabric of the Church set up by the European missionaries. Stressing the need for going back to the pre-Portuguese days when democratic institutions of yogams(representative body at the grass root-levels) mahayogams(representative bodies at higher levels) with jathikkukarthaviyan(head of the community) existed among this community for their administration, instead of one-man centered or European notion of bishop- centered administration, the travelogue challenges the notion of authority that the European missionaries had set up within the colonial fabric they newly created for the Church of the St.Thomas Christians.

Interestingly the narratives of this book, with copious accounts of hardships that the St.Thomas Christians had to face from the Church fabric set up by the European missionaries in Kerala, soon formed an inspiring literary device for this community in their later clamour for having Indian Catholic bishops for them instead of European bishops and also for reviving their age old liturgical traditions, customs and ritual practices. In the nineteenth century several copies of Varthamanapusthakam were made in hand-written form and circulated among the members of St.Thomas Christian community on a large scale inspiring them to work for their heritage preservation against the background of tamperings done by foreign missionaries. In the council of Verapoly that took place in the second half of nineteenth century, the missionary Church authorities even made an attempt to put this book on the Index in order to prevent the anti-missionary insinuations this book was then spreading². However somehow it escaped their wrath and continued to be read on a large scale almost as a precious literary corpus comprising the magna carta of this community.

The central purpose of this paper is to see how the European version of Christian experience and Church administration was challenged by Indians with alternative faith experience and administrative formats and also to see how the web of travel narratives was used as a powerful medium for getting ventilated and disseminated the spirit of dissent and meanings of Indian alternatives to larger collectivity of the community.

Historical Setting

The period from 1750 till 1830, which is often referred to as the period of revolutions and regime change all over the world was also a period of political fluidity in India, particularly in South India, where regime changes coincided with attempts for cultural appropriations and ethnic mutations. St.Thomas Christians, who usually trace back their origin to the preaching of St.Thomas and are often known as Syrian Christians or Nazarenes³, form a unique community in India that was increasingly subjugated to cultural and ethnic mutations because of the various processes of cultural grafting and colonial tampering that happened during this period. In fact the St.Thomas Christians who numbered about 60,000 and 75,000⁴ in the beginning of the sixteenth century were estimated to be about 1,00, 000 by the second half of the sixteenth century⁵. By 1830s their number increased to 3,50, 000⁶.

However by mid-eighteenth century the community was literally fragmented into different pieces and groups by the foreign ecclesiastical administrators mutating thoroughly their identities. The Catholic segment of the St.Thomas Christians was fragmented into two sections: On the one side there was the Portuguese Church administrative system called Padroado Real, in which the king of Portugal was given the privilege of operating as the patron. The Portuguese claimed authority and power over all the Christians residing in India, including the St.Thomas Christians, despite the fact that the latter were in India long before the arrival of the Portuguese. In course of time the Padroado administrative system managed to subjugate a major chunk of Catholic St.Thomas Christians, particularly through the synodal proceedings of Diamper and finally brought them under its jurisdiction⁷, while the remaining Catholic fraction of St. Thomas Christians were controlled by a non-Portuguese Church administrative system called Propaganda Fide established under Pope in 1622⁸. On the other hand there was an attempt from the West Syrian bishops to extend their jurisdiction over the non-Catholic segment of St.Thomas Christians by grafting the cultural elements of West Syriac liturgy and ritual practices onto them from 1748 onwards, when Mar Ivanios from West Asia reached Kerala⁹. The native bishop Mar Thoma VI from the Pakalomattam family was peripheralized and sidelined by the successive bishops (particularly Maphrian Baselius Sakrallah from 1751 onwards) from West Asia following West Syriac liturgy, causing a division to happen within the Puthenkur or non-Catholic fraction of St.Thomas Christians¹⁰, with 50 churches siding with the new liturgical practices introduced by the West Syrian bishops and 5 churches siding with the native Pakalomattam bishop Mar Thoma VI¹¹.

The new bishops following West Syriac liturgy ordained priests who were already ordained by the native bishop Mar Thoma VI, which suggests that they were skeptical about the validity of Sacraments administered by the Indian bishop. Very often these West Syrian bishops selected their own candidates and ordained them as priests without even consulting the native bishop Mar Thoma VI. They also insisted on removing from the churches of Puthenkur(the churches of non-Catholic fraction) crucifixes and statues of saints and Mary, which were kept and venerated in these churches ever since the coming of the Portuguese¹². In the process of constructing a separate identity for non –Catholic segment of St.Thomas Christians based on West Syriac liturgy and theology, there evolved frequent conflicts between the adherents of new ideology and the old followed by division of churches between Catholic and the Puthenkur fractions of the St.Thomas Christians¹³ and the increasing peripheralization of native bishop Mar Thoma VI who vehemently resisted the thrusting of new rituals and practices from West Asia. It was against this background of increasing fragmenting of this community into various smaller fractions that the native bishop Mar Thoma VI wanted to get all the segments of St.Thomas Christians united , for which he initiated moves for reunion with Catholic Church. Concomitantly the political union of Travancore realized during the period between 1742 and 1752 with Marthanda Varma’s annexation of smaller principalities of Quilon, Kayamkulam, Porcad, Thekkenkur, Vadakkenkur, Angamali and Alengadu , where the S.Thomas Christians till then lived in scattered way, had all the more convinced them of the urgent need to have unity and cohesion among themselves in consonance with the union that had already happened politically¹⁴.

However the Carmelite missionary priests then working in Kerala were reluctant to receive bishop Mar Thoma VI into Catholicism saying that his intentions were not genuine¹⁵. The author of Varthamanapusthakam and most of the Catholics of the St. Thomas Christians believed that the request of Mar Thoma VI to get reunited with Catholic Church was refused by the European missionaries fearing that if he were to become a Catholic, then all the St.Thomas Christians would get united and rally around this Indian bishop and consequently the European bishop and missionary priests would not have any influence or power over this community¹⁶. In fact it was to convey to Pope the desire of Mar Thoma VI to get reunited with Catholic Church and to get necessary permission for the same, besides informing him of the various types of ill-treatment and discriminations that the community had to face from these missionaries, that Fr. Joseph Kariyattil and Fr. Thomas Paremakkel made their trip from Kerala to Europe in 1778. The book running into 78 chapters covers the details of their travel to Portugal and Rome. However in the process of giving us the information about the socio-economic and political processes that they witnessed during the period between 1778 till 1786 at Tuticorin, Madras, Cape of Good Hope, Venguela, Bahia, Lisbon, Catalonia, Genoa, Liberno, Pisa and Rome¹⁷, the author unveils the various aspects of conflicts that were happening between the European missionaries and the St.Thomas Christians in Kerala on matters related to the preservation of the age-old heritage and tradition of the latter and on the ill-treatments meted out to them by the European Carmelite missionaries.

When they started their travel to Europe in 1778 , Fr. Thomas Paremakkel born on 10th September 1736 was 42, while Fr.Joseph Kariyattil, who had earlier done his priestly studies at Propaganda College of Rome, was only 36 years old. The money needed for their travel was raised from the members of the community by selling or pawning their jewellery and property. The Catholic fraction of St.Thomas Christians belonging to the Padroado and Propaganda Fide administrative systems contributed liberally for their travel¹⁸. Thachil Mathu Tharakan, who was the principal trader for the Travancoreans and the English in Trivandrum in the second half of the eighteenth century was one of the greatest sponsors who came forward to bear the major share of their travel expenses¹⁹. Though 24 delegates of this community went from Kerala to Madras for boarding the ship to Europe, for want of sufficient fund to buy the tickets for their journey to Europe, the number was finally reduced to Fr. Thomas Paremakkel and Fr.Joseph Kariyattil , besides two seminarians²⁰ ,.

The content of the book gives the impression that it was written to justify everything that they had done in Portugal and Rome for defending the cause of the community and in that sense it meant instant circulation and reading by the members of the community²¹. The original Malayalam manuscript of the book was obtained from the descendants of Thachil Mathu Tharakan, who bore a sizeable chunk of their travel expenses²². Though it was printed for the first time in 1936, copies of the manuscript were already being made and circulated even before²³. It should be here specially mentioned that Joseph Kariyattil and Thomas Paremakkel, who went to Portugal and Rome as priest delegates of the community, were not really dissidents of the Church, even though they were highly critical of the European missionaries. They were very much a part of the Church as Joseph Kariyattil was later made the bishop of Cranganore in Portugal in 1782²⁴ and on his death in 1786²⁵, Paremakkel became the governor of the diocese from 1786 till 1799²⁶.

Grievances, Voices of Dissent and Protest.

The tone of the book is set in the very first page of the narrative, where the author depicts the way how the St.Thomas Christians were humiliated before the large crowd assembled for the burial of the bishop Florentius of Verapoly in 1773²⁷. The bishop actually belonged to ecclesiastical administrative system of Propaganda Fide and most of the St.Thomas Christians who went for the funeral of the bishop were from the jurisdiction of Padroado administrative system. On seeing them the Provincial superior of the Carmelites came out to them and told:

“What business have you got here? Your bishop is in Porcad ..This is our bishop and his burial is not something that matters you…Hence I want that you better leave the place and allow us to bury our bishop”²⁸.

The author and the members of the community were deeply pained by these words and equally by the denial of a chance to participate in the funeral rituals of the bishop for the simple reason that they belonged to a different administrative organ of the same Catholic Church²⁹. The community immediately called for a general meeting of the mahayogam consisting of representatives from 72 churches in 1773³⁰. Despite the attempts of the European missionaries of Verapoly to prevent the St.Thomas Christian representatives from coming together³¹, a large number of priests and community members assembled at Angamaly. Since the representatives from various churches did not know as to how many days the meeting would actually last, they came with rice and food materials, while the local Christians of Angamaly gave salt, oil and firewood to them for cooking their food, as the meeting lasted for several days. Seeing the unprecedented flow of people to Angamaly the missionaries of Verapoly were said to have sent their own spies to keep a track of deliberations happening in the meeting³².

The initial tempo of the meeting was dominated by spiritual readings, speeches, prayers and meditation, which were later followed by vociferous outburst of emotions³³. The mood began to change with the enumeration of different types of discriminations and injustices that the St.Thomas Christian community had to face from the European missionaries³⁴. It should be here specially mentioned that a large number of saintly, pious, committed, selfless and zealous European missionaries worked in India and contributed remarkably to its socio-economic betterment at different time points; however the bitter anger and the attacks of this community and the Varthamanapusthakam were turned not against them, but against those who maintained a craze for power and the colonial attitude of racial superiority. The representatives from Edappilly narrated the way how the European missionaries put their Indian parish priest to death. Here it is to be specially mentioned that the account is in the language of Fr. Thomas Paremakkel and unfortunately we do not have any other source material to cross-check the details given by him³⁵. Paremakkel writes:

‘On the feast-day of Theresa of Avila there was a 40 hours adoration at Verapoly. Fr.Jacob Puthenpurackal, the parish priest of Edappilly church also went for the adoration and returned to his parish church along with other people. The European Carmelite missionaries forgot to lock the church after dinner and on the next day the gold monstrance was found to be missing. Suspecting Fr. Jacob to be the thief he was taken by force to Verapoly by the missionaries and was denied food for several days. He fell ill and died. His last request before death for receiving Holy Communion too was denied. He was also denied a church burial, as his body was wrapped up in a mat and buried near a pond³⁶.

Citing the incident Paremakkel says that this happened because of the “helplessness of the people of Malankara (Kerala) ” and “the might and power of the missionaries and their bishop”³⁷. He refers to this incident repeatedly in his travelogue, whenever he felt that the missionaries were obstructing the moves of the delegation of the St.Thomas Christians in Europe to obtain an Indian bishop.

Varthamanapusthakam also refers to the discussions that the mahayogam made about the arrogant and the lead roles that the European missionaries always wanted to appropriate in the churches of St.Thomas Christians. One among them was the case of festal processions in their churches, in which the European missionaries used to lead the procession without allowing the indigenous priests to take the lead with monstrance or cross, even if the latter were the celebrants³⁸. In the mahayogam of Angamali held in 1773 the European missionaries tried to pacify the members of St.Thomas Community, who were almost on the verge of revolting against the missionary authorities, by conceding some of their demands and assuring redress of their grievances³⁹.

However Thomas Paremakkal says that some of the European missionaries did not keep their word and continued their wrong doings and discriminations to humiliate the Indian clergy. Varthamanapusthakam speaks of the way how Fr. John de Santa Margarita, one of the missionary signatories of the document, got Fr.Vargese Panachikal from Malayattoor church arrested in the midnight for having taken the cross to lead the festal procession. Paremakkel writes:

‘ Fr. Varghese Panachickal was arrested with chains and tied to a cot and was beaten by the Vadukas employed by the missionaries and was then carried by force to Verapoly, which was then the seat of the European Carmelite missionaries and Vicar Apostolic in Kerala’⁴⁰.

Quoting the documents of Propaganda Fide E.R.Hambye admits that at that point of time some of the European missionaries resorted to the ‘punishments ‘ by imprisonment with chains and torturing for the purpose of taming the “quarrelsome priests” of the St.Thomas Christian community⁴¹. However Varthamanapusthakam refers to the strong resistance that the community of St.Thomas Christians staged against Fr. John de Santa Margarita for these ruthless atrocities and humiliation meted out to their priest Fr. Varghese Panachickal for such a silly reason of having taken lead in the festal procession. The St. Thomas Christians of Parur en masse blocked Fr. Santa Margarita in retaliation and prevented him from celebrating Holy Mass in their church⁴². Paremakkel congratulates the yogam( the representative body of the parish church) for having taken such a bold decision against the erring missionaries and views that the abuses of European missionaries could be checked only by strengthening the power of the yogam⁴³. Varthamanapusthakam refers to the intense conflicts that broke out by this time between some of the European missionaries and the St.Thomas Christians, who consequently declared nine of the European missionaries as ineligible for preaching in their churches and prevented them from entering their parishes⁴⁴.

Meanwhile the indigenous bishop Mar Thoma VI of non-Catholic fraction of St.Thomas Christians, who was opposed and sidelined by the West Syriac Jacobite bishop Mar Gregorios and his Kerala allies like Kattumangattu Rabban, wanted to get reunited with Catholic church along with 80,000 of his followers⁴⁵. However, the missionaries refused to accept him to Catholicism saying that his intentions were not genuine and his emissary Kallarackal Tharakan, who was a Christian minister in the principality of Thekkenkur, was vehemently abused and humiliated⁴⁶. On hearing about the abuses that the European missionaries showered on him Paremakkel writes:

‘If a white carpenter or a cobbler come before them(missionaries) they receive these guests with respect and offer them chairs, while the emissary from the bishop was humiliated and abused and this is happening because of the helplessness of our community and because of the might and evil of the European missionaries’⁴⁷

The author empathizes with the community and translates its feelings of helplessness and emotions of anger into his travelogue, which are later developed as a significant layer of his travel narrative with certain arguments for indigenization.

Fr. Thomas Paremakkel attacks vehemently the European missionaries for their high-handedness, racial superiority and arrogance. He writes: ‘When you (European missionaries) come to our church we and our yogams accept and respect you so much; but in turn you give back to us suffering thrashings and atrocities and we used to bear it in the name of the Lord without complaining to anybody⁴⁸. Though he generalizes the term missionaries all through his travel account and gives the impression that he was attacking the entire category of European missionaries, the truth was that he was not criticizing any single missionary or the larger category but attacking the evils that some of them perpetrated in the name of religious activity. The missionaries frequently attacked in his travelogue are the European Carmelite missionaries working under Propaganda Fide. However, they were not monolithic in composition; they had different layers. Most of them were from Italy, as a result of which they were not obedient to bishops and authorities from other nationalities, as it happened in 1775, when the Italian missionaries refused to collaborate with the new German bishop appointed by Propaganda Fide. As the bishop Francis de Sales was a non-Italian, the Italian Carmelite missionaries started writing denigrating and slanderous letters about the bishop to Rome. Since the bishop was not of their choice the missionaries wanted that he should leave Kerala. The bishop sought the help of Fr. Joseph Kariyattil who was a Professor in the seminary at Alengad narrating in tears the injustice being done to him by the Carmelite missionaries. On the initiative of Fr. Joseph Kariyattil and Thachil Mathu Tharakan, who had by this time become the principal trader for the Travancorean ruler and the English, the St.Thomas Christians took him in a solemn procession to Alengad⁴⁹. However, later the missionaries of Verapoly complained about it to the Diwan of Travancore, who siding with the European missionaries punished the St.Thomas Christians with a fine of 12,000 kalipanams⁵⁰. The German bishop Francis de Sales, however, not desiring to antagonize the missionaries any further did not divulge the truth, which made the St.Thomas Christians pay the fine. Commenting on the fine of huge amount of money that the community had to pay because of the European missionaries, Paremakkel says:

‘…. the drum gets the beatings while the drummer gets the money…, we pay the money while they are there only to occupy positions; they alight the palanquins, while we are there to carry it..’⁵¹

On another occasion in the same mood Paremakkel writes that for all the blunders that the European missionaries committed in Kerala, the St.Thomas Christians had to pay the penalty. Thus he says that the church of Malayattoor had to pay fines to the local ruler for a European missionary priest for releasing a robber arrested by the local ruler. On another occasion a missionary priest kicked a faithful (Koonan Varkey)in the church while the bishop Francis de Sales was listening to the account of the church of Malyattoor and the St.Thomas Christians were made to pay fine for this atrocity as it was in their church⁵². This anti-missionary tone in the travel narrative is highly reflective of the intensified tension happening between the St. Thomas Christians and some of the European missionaries. The German missionary Fr. Paulinus of St.Bartholomew , who had frequently been among those who were criticized and attacked by Fr.Thomas Paremakkel in his travel account, gives a different version of the story saying that it was Fr.Thomas Paremakkel and other church leaders of the St.Thomas Christians who actually engineered these troubles⁵³, which again attests to the nature and scale of conflicts and restlessness that permeated among the adherents of the same belief system.

“India for Indians” and Discourses on Nationalism

“India for Indians”, emphasizing the demand that India should be ruled by Indians , is the title of one of the still unpublished works that Fr. Thomas Paremakkel had written in 1780s⁵⁴.

Long before the debates on nationalism shaking the intellectual circles of Europe Asia and Africa, Fr. Thomas Paremakkel vehemently argued that foreigners should be kept away from India and that it should be ruled only by Indians. In Varthamanapusthakam Fr.Thomas Paremakkel speaks of a golden thread of national feeling that binds all the Indians together. The discourse on nationalism is set against the background of ill-treatment that Paremakkel and his colleagues experienced from the European missionary priest of Veerapandianpattinam on their way from Kerala to Madras in 1778. The missionary priest did not permit Fr.Joseph Kariyattil and Fr. Thomas Paremakkel to celebrate Holy Eucharist in the church of Veerapandianpattinam, near Tuticorin. On hearing this, the parishioners and the faithful were very sorry about it and later came out to the St.Thomas Christian delegation saying that the church actually belonged to them and not to the missionary priest and they offered every possible help to the delegation. On seeing the generosity of the local people Fr. Paremakkal writes in his book:

’…. these believers were sad not because they had known us, nor because we had done some good things to them; but because we all belong to one nationality; that is we are all Indians. It is this love for people of the same nationality that actually moved their hearts.”⁵⁵

Fr.Thomas Paremakkel proudly maintains that even though Indians were under foreign rule, there was a type of intimacy and emotional linkage that bound all the Indians together. The idea of nationalism that Fr.Thomas Paremakkel propounds at this time comprises the feelings which create unity among the diverse Indians and the special uniqueness and commonality that make every Indian an integral part of India. The love that one shows towards the people of the same nation , the concern and the movement of the heart that one experiences on seeing their suffering and helplessness are the ingredients of the rudimentary nationalism that Fr. Paremakkel had envisaged⁵⁶.

Varthamanapusthakam postulates that the foundation of Indian nationalism rests on the basic principle that India should be ruled by Indians. In 1783 when the Portuguese Padroado authorities in Lisbon tried to make Fr.Joseph Kariyattil as the bishop of Cranganore in Kerala, the European missionaries then working in different parts of Kerala started sending of lot of complaints against him saying that “Keralites do not know how to rule” , “Keralites would not submit themselves to a bishop from their own jati”, “ even the noblest in Kerala would not be ready to accept Fr. Joseph Kariyattil as their bishop” and “ if an Indian were to become a bishop then there would be severe conflicts and divisions among the Christians of Kerala”. These were the major accusations sent to Portugal by the Portuguese carmelite missionary Joseph de Solidade ,the then bishop of Cochin, for the purpose of not making Fr. Joseph Kariyattil a bishop⁵⁷. However Joseph de Solidade himself was considered to be a problem figure and he had been in frequent conflicts with the Franciscans friars, who had grater influence in the court of Travancore⁵⁸. Against the attempts of European Carmelite missionaries to sabotage the moves for ordaining the Indian priest Fr. Joseph Kariayttil a bishop, his language in Varthamanapusthakam takes an extra-ordinarily sharper and piercing tone.

Paremakkel views these allegations as racial aspersions and humiliation to Indian pride. He writes: ‘… you say that Keralites do not know how to rule… don’t say that…. our king(evidently referring to the king of Travancore) would not tolerate this, as he is also a Keralite⁵⁹. Again, referring to the allegation that Kariyattil’s bishop position would bring division within Christian community of Kerala, Fr. Paremakkel retaliates:

.’…it is you and your ancestors who brought division and conflicts to Kerala, which now nobody can solve…⁶⁰ …… You take the hand of one to beat the other and take his hand the beat the first person. You make us fight among ourselves so that we may always remain subjugated to you.⁶¹ …. You divide the Christians of Malabar into Mundukar, converted Christians, kuppayakar and put them into different groups, and thus people of Malabar who form one flesh and one blood are divided into different groups in such a way that nobody can ever rectify it⁶².

Paremakkel maintains that these foreigners intervene in such a way that the unity and national feelings prevalent among them get perpetually destroyed. Criticizing the arrogance of the European missionaries and refuting their allegation that the noblest among the Keralites would not accept Kariayttil as their bishop, Paremakkel writes:

‘.. .you wrongly think that you (European religious missionaries) are much nobler than us because when you come to our churches we stand with respect and obey you and carry you on palanquins and our priests and the people walk in procession before you and you wrongly think that we show this respect and obeisance to you because we are less noble than you…. We are showing this respect not because of the fact that we are less noble nor because of your superiority, but because we have learnt from our parents that the priests and religious teachers are to be respected and revered in the name of almighty God’⁶³.

Fr. Paremakkel sees in the argument of Joseph de Solidade that Keralites would not accept Joseph Kariyattil as their bishop but only European missionaries a certain amount of colonial arrogance which some of the European missionaries also imbibed by this time. He retorts: “…..We have priests among us, who administer and manage things thousand times far better than you people..”⁶⁴ In fact these discourses in the book are meant not only to justify the candidature of Fr. Joseph Kariyattil as the bishop of Cranganore, but also to defend and uphold the national pride of Indians, which Joseph de Solidade was immensely hurting with colonial arrogance and haughty language.

Some of the European missionaries, who wielded spiritual power over the St.Thomas Christians, turned out to be arrogant and extremely domineering and Paremakkel says that this happened mainly because this community was made to remain powerless by depriving them of the right to have a community/spiritual leader of their own from themselves. He writes:

‘ The foreign missionaries do not respect the feelings of the community, as it now does not have its own leader⁶⁵. Earlier when it had its own leader, no foreign missionary dared to do any injustice or evil to this community’⁶⁶. ….In Europe, in Italy, France, England and Portugal, the kings and ecclesiastical heads are made from their own nationality. Even the Christians under the Turks have got their own rulers and bishops. In Kerala too, except in the case of St.Thomas Christians, the leaders of different communities are from their own communities⁶⁷.

The author is asking as to how come that the St.Thomas Christians are denied of the right to have a spiritual leader from the community. He persuades the reader to think as to why in India the church leadership was given to European missionaries instead of Indians. Paremakkel writes: ‘The Portuguese would never like to have an Italian ruler over them, and the Italians never would accept a Portuguese ruler, a German ruler would never be accepted by the French and a ruler from France would never be accepted by the Germans. Why it is that these countries accept rulers only from their nationals and why it is not permitted to happen in the case of India.⁶⁸’

At such an early stage, when Fr.Thomas Paremakkel speaks of nationalism, he brings in mostly issues and institutions related to the domains of Church, where Indians and Indianness should be preferred to rather than the Europeans. Paremakkel argues that the community of St.Thomas Christians would make progress only if the person who rules it would be from the same community and nationality⁶⁹. Finally, when Joseph Kariyattil was made the bishop of Cranganore, he writes: ‘With the appointment of a bishop from among them, the Keralites have secured freedom from the yoke of the Europeans and he wants this liberation to be perpetuated by ensuring continuous bishop succession from among the Keralites.⁷⁰’

In order to understand the various dimensions and layers of Paremakkel’s notion of nationalism, one should analyze the channels that he traveled and the contexts that shaped his perceptions. It was during the time span of the travel of Fr. Thomas Paremakkel and Fr. Joseph Kariytattil to Europe( 1778-1786) that the American War of Independence broke out for the purpose of expelling the British from America(1775-83). When these two Indian priests reached Brazil, Portugal, France and Rome, the major issues of debate and intellectual discussions in these places were in fact the wars of American revolution. Interestingly sufficient resources and fighting forces to fight against the British forces in America were mobilized by the colonists with the help of Churches and Church leadership of Congregationalists, Baptists and Presbyterians⁷¹. The endeavours of the Church leadership of America to throw away British colonial yoke did really influence the anti-European thinking and writing of Paremakkel and many others who happened to collaborate with him.

Four Goan priests, who collaborated with Fr.Thomas Paremakkel and Kariyattil in Lisbon and Rome later spearheaded a revolution in Goa to expel the Portuguese from India(1787). The leader of this group was Fr. Cajetano Vitorino de Faria , who was supported by Fr.Cajetano Francisco do Couto, Fr.Jose Antonio Gonçalves and Fr. Jose Custodio de Faria alias Abbe Faria, who, as founder of modern hypnotism , was a world famous psychologist and a leading thinker during the time of French revolution. Cajetano Vitorino de Faria was married and had two children and then he went for priestly studies. On becoming a priest he went to Portugal and using his closeness to the king of Portugal, he wanted to become the Archbishop of Goa, and pulled the strings to make his friends Fr.Cajetano Francisco do Couto as the bishop of Cochin and Fr.Jose Antonio Gonçalves as the bishop of Mylapore⁷². However their efforts did not find any fruit. Finally when Joseph Kariyattil was made the bishop of Cranganore, these Goan priests got estranged from their Malayalee counterparts and turned against Kariyattil, saying “ either all the three whom we have suggested should be made bishops or nobody from India should be made a bishop.⁷³”

Later these Goan priests under Fr. Cajetano Vitorino de Faria planned a revolution in Goa against the Portuguese hegemony , in which about nineteen Goan priests made preparations to participate. Concomitantly the highest officers of Goan army under Manoel Cajetano Pinto, the lieutenant of Ponda division of the army, and his cousin Manoel Pinto from Saligão also joined the conspiracy for the purpose of expelling them from Goa⁷⁴. As the Pintos of Candolim holding important positions in the Church and the military force operated as the key figures of the conspiracy, mobilizing the military regiments of Ponda and Bardez this was often called Pinto Conspiracy or Pinto Revolt of 1787⁷⁵. However the main brain that brought the various disgruntled elements of Goa for a failed revolution in 1787 was Fr. Cajetano Vitorino de Faria, who had spent several years in Rome and Portugal along with Fr.Thomas Paremakkel for the purpose of getting Indians appointed as bishops for India, instead of the European bishops. But the revolution did not happen as the news about it got leaked out on 5th August 1787( five days before the planned outbreak) and about 47 people including fifteen Catholic priests were arrested and put in jail. In 1788 fifteen of the lay people were executed, while fourteen priests were deported to Portugal⁷⁶. Fr. Jose Custodio de Faria ( popularly known as Abbe Faria), who was the son of Fr.Cajetano Vitorino de Faria and was accused as one of the conspirators was one among those who were deported to Portugal. On reaching Europe Abbe Faria (1756 -1819) devoted his time to the study of psychology and became one of the pioneers of scientific study of hypnotism and a leading figure in the intellectual circles of France during the time of revolution.⁷⁷.

One can find somewhere a common thread that links Fr.Thomas Paremakkel , who vehemently argued for the transfer of ecclesiastical positions from the Europeans to Indians, with the leading Goan priests who spearheaded a revolution in Goa to expel the Portuguese from India and Abbe Faria , who moved to Paris , the heartland of French Revolution for continuing his further academic and intellectual pursuits. Bishop Joseph Kariyattil died in Goa on 10th September, 1786⁷⁸. It was almost 11 months later that the priests of Goa initiated moves for expelling the Portuguese from India and were arrested on 5th August, 1787 on the leakage of information about conspiracy⁷⁹. Consequently Fr.Thomas Paremakkel was appointed as the governor of the diocese of Cranganore and on 1st February 1787 he convened a mahayogam at Angamaly , which took decisions to revolt against the European missionaries if they were to object to the appointment of Fr.Thomas Paremakkel as the next bishop. The entire representatives of the St.Thomas Christians under Paremakkel decided to throw away the yoke of the European missionaries and to invite a bishop from West Asia for his Episcopal consecration if their requests to make Paremakkel a bishop was not agreed upon by the Portuguese ruler, who was the ecclesiastical patron under Padroado system⁸⁰. Was it quite accidental that the people who shared their ideas together in Europe were seen in three different contexts of revolutions? Obviously the timing of rebellious gathering of the representatives of St.Thomas Christians of Kerala and their decision to turn towards non-European bishop from West Asia cutting ties with the European missionaries and the moves of many priests of Goa to expel the Portuguese from India (1787) shows that these incidents were not totally isolated; but were somehow linked at the inspirational level. The leaders of both the incidents during their stay and activities in Europe seem to have considerably been influenced by the victory of Congregationalist, Baptist and Presbyterian Churches of America in throwing away the colonial yoke of the English ⁸¹. It seems that the lead actors of these dramas who were woven together in Europe by the early ideas of nationalism responded differently in different places, exhibiting it variously depending on the exigencies.

It is all the more interesting to note that Fr.Thomas Paremakkel and bishop Joseph Kariyattil returned to India in the same ship in which the Goa priests, who later planned the revolt against the Portuguese, also traveled.⁸² . On their way back to India they reached Bahia in Brazil in the month of July , 1785 and lived there for a couple of days till their ship got repaired⁸³. Now some scholars argue that the Mineiro revolt of Brazil spearheaded by the priests in 1789 against the Portuguese hegemony in South America was connected with these Indian priests at least at the inspirational level⁸⁴. There was in fact a great amount of connectivity among these otherwise isolated events. This is discernable mostly by the fact that these events had something in common because of the thread of early nationalist movement and freedom struggle that appeared in different parts of colonial world among the like-minded people in the last quarter of the eighteenth century probably imbibing adventurous lessons from American war of Independence, where British colonial masters were thrown out by the colonists.

Indian Alternatives

Thomas Paremakkel opposes the European ecclesiastical structural formats and develops arguments for Indian alternatives for Church administration not only because of anti-Europeanism but also for reasons of strengthening the foundations of nationalism. He views that the national identity should be based on its cultural uniqueness, heritage and rich traditions. He was concerned more about the cultural traditions of St.Thomas Christians, which the European missionaries were increasingly tampering with for the purpose of establishing their hold over this community. He views that there were three institutions which should be preserved and strengthened at all costs in order to handle the arrogant and haughty segment among the European missionaries and to uphold the dignity of Indian Christians. They are (a) Jathikkukarthaviyan( Archdeacon or the leader of the community), (b) yogam ( the representative body of families at the level of parish churches) and (c), mahayogam ( the representative body at the apex level consisting of elected members from individual churches). The representatives of mahayogam who met at Angamaly in 1773⁸⁵ and in 1787⁸⁶ earnestly argued for the age old institution of Archdeacon to be reinstated. Paremakkel writes:

‘ The foreign missionaries do not respect the feelings of the community, as it now does not have its own leader.’ Earlier when it had its own leader⁸⁷, no foreign missionary dared to do any injustice or evil to this community’⁸⁸.

At a time when the overassertive segment of the European missionaries was handling the Church administrative affairs, Varthamanapustakam gives the message that the identity, heritage and cultural tradition of this community could be better be protected only by having a community leader of Indian origin⁸⁹.

Paremakkel was also highly critical about the one-man –centered or bishop-centered Church administrative system that the European missionaries introduced in India. He was a staunch supporter of the democratic institution of yogam or palliyogam which formed an important ingredient in the church administration of the St.Thomas Christians. He projects yogam as the Indian alternative to Church administration. The administration of the St.Thomas Christians was carried out by Jathikkukarthaviyan (community leader) in agreement with the yogam and mahayogam. This type of administration provided space for getting the individual initiatives of the leader strengthened by the wisdom of the representatives. Moreover such an administrative system accommodated the grass root level demands and aspirations of the members. The Jathikkukarthaviyan, however, could not act independently of yogam or act against the yogam, as he was bound by the majority decision of the representative body. The representative body of yogam operated among this community as an institution with republican form of power. It used to decide as to who should celebrate the Holy Mass and who should not, who should be accepted in the church and who should not be⁹⁰. Elaborating on the power of yogam Paremakkel writes:

‘.. Our churches were built not by you nor by your ancestors; nor did we sell ourselves nor our church people to you. If our yogam, is willing to accept you, we would accept. If our yogams do not want to accept you, you cannot forcefully make us accept you⁹¹.

However the importance that this representative body had in the administration of Church affairs of this community was not incomprehensible for the western world. Even the administrative head of such supreme institutions, like Propaganda Fide, rebuked Fr.Thomas Paremakkel and Fr.Joseph Kariyattil for bringing two seminarians to Rome for priestly studies as sent by the yogam. He says: ‘If yogam sends somebody, then we have no responsibility to accept them.. Those who have come uninvited do not get space here….⁹²’ However, later they were taken for studies; but not because the yogam had sent them there- but because Fr.Joseph Kariyattil, the former student of Propaganda Fide had taken them there⁹³.

The decisions pertaining to this community were taken jointly by the bishop and the yogam and hence both the institutions were vital unlike the European perception of Church , where bishop was the ultimate authority and decision-taker since the time of Feudalism. Paremakkel is battering the western notion of single person exercising hegemonic control over the community, without allowing space for the voice of community to be heard through their representatives.

The third institution which Varthamanapusthakam projects as vital for the maintenance of the autonomy of this community was mahayogam or the highest representative body of elected members from various churches. The mahayogam formed the highest platform to find solutions to the administrative, social and communitarian issues that used to crop up time to time. It was a mahayogam(1773) that decided that Fr.Thomas Paremakkel and Fr. Joseph Kariyattil should go to Rome to get concrete solutions from the Pope and the same mahayogam made arrangements for mobilizing resources for their travel⁹⁴ . The decisions of the mahayogam , often known as padiyola, were inviolable and were considered as serious and binding on all members of the community as canon law in the Western Church. Those who violated them were considered as cheaters of the community and it was against this background Fr. John da Santa Maria was blocked from entering the church of Parur, saying that he violated the decision and agreement being made in the mahayogam of Angamaly. (1773)⁹⁵. It was in the mahayogam of 1787 the representatives from 81 churches of Kerala decided that this community should stand alone breaking ties with the European missionaries if their request to make Fr.Thomas Paremakkel was not accepted. It also decided that except for ordination and for getting holy oil , no other relationship ship should be maintained with other churches and church leaders⁹⁶.

However some of the missionary authorities were not happy with the assertions that mahayogam used to make, as its decisions at times clipped the wings of their power. There were several occasions when they indirectly tried to convey the message that participation in the mahayogam was a sinful or a rebellious act. Thus in 1773 when the representatives of St.Thomas Christian Churches met at Angamaly, there was a great amount of criticism and commotion against the European missionaries from the representatives. Finally when a missionary priest stepped in without being invited to give the final blessings, he made all the participants in the mahyogam to recite the prayer of repentance “ mea culpa.. . mea culpa’, giving the impression that their meeting of mahayogam and its entire deliberations were sinful and rebellious. Paremakkel vehemently criticizes the way how the entire participants were made to say the prayer of repentance by the European missionary⁹⁷.

Thomas Paremakkel realized that self-reliance is the foundation of freedom and national pride. He maintained that the Church of St.Thomas Christians should be self-sufficient and should not depend on the Europeans for any help. In 1787 the mahayogam that met under his leadership decided that the churches of this community should invest their surplus money for productive ventures, wherein the money should be given on interest in four different parts of Kerala and with the interest deriving out of it the expenditure of Church administration had to be met⁹⁸. He maintained that freedom and the pride of being an Indian will come only when the running of Church affairs was done without any foreign help. He viewed that foreign help, however insignificant it was, would bring in a feeling of dependence and subordination. Paremakkel writes:

‘Don’t think that the two bottles of Mass wine and three quarter kilogram of wheat that you(European missionaries) supply to priests for making host for Mass would be sufficient to get the priests of St.Thomas Christians subjugated to you⁹⁹. If we can sustain ourselves and our churches with our own efforts and with our hard work, we can raise money from our own efforts for the bread and wine for Mass¹⁰⁰ … Before your coming to Kerala, our churches, bishops and priests were maintained not by your subsidy but with the donations that we and the yogam used to make¹⁰¹.

The nationalist pride and his refusal to submit himself to the arrogance of foreigners made him develop self-reliance as the basis his Church administrative and economic system, which the St.Thomas Christians continue to main to a certain extent even now.

Thus though Varthamnapusthakam is a travelogue by its literary feature, it reflects the intensity of conflicts and dissent that had got shaped among the St.Thomas Christians in the third quarter of the eighteenth century. Paremakkel representing the dissenting voices puts them in black and white and adds them as a substantial layer of his narrative of travel. While attacking the paradigms of the European missionaries, Paremakkel attacks not from outside as a heretic or a schismatic, but writes from inside as an administrator of the church, both as a reformer suggesting Indian alternatives and as a patriot bringing Indianness to the domains of church. However the words and the language of attack that Paremakkel uses against the European missionaries are sharper than those of critics and enemies of missionaries; however it should be said that they flow from the fire of suffering that this community was made to undergo during the period of colonial interventions and cultural mutations. From the same fire of suffering and tribulations emerged his notions of nationalism and arguments for India to be handed over to Indians.

About the Author

Dr.Pius Malekandathil, Professor at Centre for Historical Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi hails from Muvattupuzha parish of Kothamangalam eparchy, Syro Malabar Church, Kerala. He has earlier worked as Lecturer in History, St. Thomas College, Pala, Reader in History at Goa University and Sree Sankaracharya University of Sanskrit, Kalady. He has authored Ten books and more than hundred articles in various international journals, seminars and publications. His areas of specialization include Indo-Portuguese History, Transmarine Trade, Maritime History of India, European Expansion and Urbanization in Asia, Socio-Economic History of Medieval India, Culture and State of South India, Studies in Indian Ocean Societies and Religion and Society in South Asia.

Some of Dr Pius Malekandathil’s publications are: The Germans, the Portuguese and India (1999); Portuguese Cochin and the Maritime Trade of India: 1500-1663 (2001); Jornada of D. Alexis Menezes: A Portuguese Account of the Sixteenth Century Malabar (2003); The Portuguese, The Portuguese and the Socio-Cultural Changes in India: 1500-1800 jointly edited with K.S. Mathew and Teotonio R. de Souza (2001); The Kerala Economy and European Trade jointly edited with K.S. Mathew (2003); Goa in the Twentieth Century: History and Culture jointly edited with Remy Dias (2008).

About the Book

This is originally published as the eighth chapter in the book “The Mughals, the Portuguese and the Indian Ocean: Changing Imageris of Maritime India”, Primus Books, New Delhi, 2013, pp. 160-184.

This volume explores the changing meanings that maritime India acquired during the early modern period owing to the frequent efforts of the Mughals and the Portuguese from two different fronts to control its vast resourceful enclaves and profit-yielding neighbourhoods. By analyzing the highly nuanced socio-economic processes and addressing the themes that have not been explored before, this volume creates a new framework for understanding the changing nature of maritime India.

The ten research papers in this book delve into many complexities of Indian history and try to look into a wide range of issues such as the political meanings of religious dialogues between Akbar and the Jesuits; the role of circulatory processes in the creation of south India as a region; the economic and political processes that prompted the shifting of Mughal capital from hinterland to the vicinity of the major maritime trading centres of northern Konkan; voices of dissent in Christianity and discourses on early nationalism; and the social manoeuvrings of the English.

1. 1. Paremakkel Thomakathanar, Varthamanapusthakam(Malayalam), edited by Thomas Moothedan( An English translation of the book was brought out by Placid Podipara as a publication from Oriental Institute, Rome, 1971), Ernakulam, 1977.
2. 2. It is being told that some of the pages containing highly critical comments about the foreign missionaries were removed from the book by the then church authorities.
3. 3. For details see Eugene Tisserant, Eastern Christianity in India, tran.by E.R.Hambye, Calcutta, 1957; Placid Podipara, The Thomas Christians, Bombay, 1970; A.M.Mundadan, History of Christianity in India, vol.I, Bangalore, 1989; Joseph C. Panjikaran, “Christianity in Malabar with Special Reference to the St.Thomas Christians of the Syro- Malabar Rite”, in Orientalia, vol.VI, 1926
4. 4.Tome Pires, A Suma Oriental de Tome Pires e o Livro de Francisco Rodrigues, ed.by Armando Cortesão, Coimbra, 1978, p.180; João Teles e Cunha “De Diamper a Mattancherry: Caminhos e Encruzilhadas da Igreja Malabar e Catolica na India: Os Primeiros Tempos(1599-1624)”in Anais de Historia de Alem-Mar, vol.V, 2004,pp.283-368; João Paulo Oliveira e Costa, “Os Portugueses e a Cristandade Siro-Malabar(1498-1530),in Studia, 52, Lisboa, 1994
5. 5. Josef Wicki(ed.), Documenta Indica, vol.VI, Rome, 1948, p.180; vol.VII, p.475
6. 6. According to the account of William Horsely there were about 1, 74, 566 Syrian Christians (56, 184 Romo –Syrians and 1,18,382 Syrians) in Travancore in 1836. W.H. Horsley, Memoir of Travancore, Historical and Statistical , compiled from Various Authentic Records and Personal Observations, Trivandrum ,1838 reproduced by Achuth Sankar S.Nair(ed.), “William Henry Horsley’s Memoir of Travancore(1838): Earliest English Treatise on the History of Travancore” , in Journal of Kerala Studies, vol.XXXI, 2004, p.63. Almost the same number of Syrian Christians lived in the kingdoms of Cochin and Calicut. By 1891 the number of Syrian Christians in Travancore increased to 2, 87, 409. See George Mathew, Communal Road to a Secular Kerala, New Delhi, 1989,p.52 Now the number of St.Thomas Christians is about 4 million.
7. 7.For details on Padroado system see Thomas Pallippurathukkunnel, A Double Regime in the Malabar Church, Alwaye, 1982, pp.3-4. See also Isabel dos Guimaraes Sa, “Ecclesiastical Structures and Religious Action “, in Portuguese Oceanic Expansion, 1400-1800, edited by Francisco Bethencourt and Diogo Ramada Curto, Cambridge, 2007, pp.255-80; João Paulo e Costa, “The Padroado and the Catholic Mission in Asia during the 17th Century”, in Rivalry and Conflict: European Traders and Asian Trading Networks in the 16th and 17th Centuries, edited by Ernst van Veen and Leonard Blusse, Leiden, 2005,p.71-88. The subjugation of St.Thomas Christians to the Portuguese Padroado system happened with the synod of Diamper held in 1599, with which their age old traditions were finally mutated and the Lusitanian and Latin cultural and liturgical traditions were grafted on to them. For details see Jonas Thaliath, Synod of Diamper, Rome, 1958.
8. 8. The defects in the functioning of the Padroado system later made Pope Gregory XIV to set up Propaganda Fide in 1622 and entrusted a major portion of Asia under the ecclesiastical administrative arrangement of Propaganda Fide. In fact Propaganda Fide was started to undertake evangelization work in areas and zones not controlled by the Portuguese. The Padroado system was suppressed by Pope in 1838, despite the severe opposition from the Portuguese crown, and the strained relationship between Rome and Portugal continued up to 1886. For more details see Dominic, “The Latin Missions under the Jurisdiction of Propaganda (1637-1838)”, in H.C.Perumalil and E.R.Hambye, Christianity in India, Alleppey, 1972, pp.102-103
9. 9.The West Syrian ritual practices were grafted on to the non-Catholic fraction of the St.Thomas Christians with the arrival of Mar Ivanios, a West Syrian bishop, in 1748. He shaved the head of the priests and ordained priests without the consent of the indigenous bishop Mar Thoma V and also burned crucifixes and images of saints used in the churches. The second team of West Syrian bishops came under Mar Baselius Sakrallah in 1751, who introduced Jacobite ideology and West Syrian ritual practices. See also Paulinus Bartholomeo, India Orientalis Christiana, Rome, 1796, p.86
10. 10.M.Kurian Thomas, Niranam Grandhavari, Kottayam, 2000, p.87; Pius Malekandathil, “Kothamangalam Roopathayude Charithra Pachathalavum Kraisthava Koottaymakalude Verukalum”(Malayalam), in Pius Malekandathil (chief editor) Anpinte Anpathandu: Kothamangalam Roopathayude Charitram, 1957-2007, Kothamangalam, 2008, pp.46-7; 86-88. E.R.Hambye, History of Christianity in India, vol.III, pp.27; 51-64
11. 11. Paremakkel Thomakathanar, Varthamanapusthakam, p.369. The West Asian bishops who introduced West Syriac liturgy got the support of anti-Pakalomattam groups in Kerala , including that of Kattumangattu Geevargese Rabban , who opposed bishop succession happening from the uncle to nephew pattern in the Pakalomattam family. Ibid., p. 369. See also Pukidiyil Joseph Ittop, Malyalathulla Suriyani Kristhianikalude Charithram, Kottayam 1869, pp.123-4
12. 12.Paulinus Bartholomeo, India Orientalis Christiana, Rome, 1796, p.86. Even the name of Mar Thoma VI was changed by the West Syrian bishops into Dionysius E.R.Hambye, History of Christianity in India, vol.III, pp.51-56.
13. 13.Paremakkel Thomakathanar, Varthamanapusthakam, p.371. As a result of heightened tensions between the two, churches and church properties that were till then commonly used and shared by them were partitioned between the Jacobites and the Catholics from 1760 onwards in places like Angamali, Akaparambu, Kothamangalam, Kuruppampady, Karakkunnam etc. See M.Kurian Thomas, Niranam Grandhavari, p.89; Pius Malekandathil, “Kothamangalam Roopathayude Charithra Pachathalavum Kraisthava Koottaymakalude Verukalum”, pp.46-8; 86-88
14. 14.Nagam Aiya, The Travancore State Manual, vol. I, Trivandrum, 1906, pp. 343-51;Shangoonny Menon, History of Travancore from the Earliest Times, New Delhi, 1878, pp.135-55.
15. 15.Antoney George Pattaparambil, The Failed Rebellion of Syro-Malabar Christians: A Historiographical Analysis of the Contributions of Paulinus of St. Bartholomew, Rome, 2007, pp.241-3. Quoting the letter of Fr.Paulinus of St. Bartholomew, he says that Mar Thoma VI while trying to get reunited with Catholic Church secretly contacted the Jacobite Patriarch of Baghdad for assistance. Ibid., p.243. We do not know whether it was actually true or a biased view of Paulinus, who worked almost as a leader of the European missionaries opposing the admission of Mar Thoma VI to Catholicism.
16. 16.Paremakkel Thomakathanar, Varthamanapusthakam, p.334. He also says that the European missionaries did not want Mar Thoma VI to become a Catholic bishop as they did not want the St.Thomas Christians to be liberated from the ‘yoke’ of European missionaries. Paremakkel Thomakathanar elsewhere says that even a Monsignor working then in Propaganda Fide had also told him that “if an Indian became a bishop, then who (among the missionaries) could survive there?” Ibid., p.171
17. 17. They left Madras on October 14th 1778. Paremakkel Thomakathanar, Varthamanapusthakam, p.68. In 1779, they crossed Cape of Good Hope and reached Venguela.Ibid. p.102. In the same year the delegation reached Bahia in Brazil and Lisbon in Portugal. Ibid., pp. 109; 118-9
18. 18. Paremakkel Thomakathanar, Varthamanapusthakam, p.126
19. 19. Ibid., pp.18-9
20. 20.The delegation consisted initially of 22 people; however for want of sufficient fund to pay the ticket charges only two, Joseph Kariyattil and Thomas Paremakkel (besides two seminarians) left for Europe. Ibid., p.65. The names of the seminarians are Brother Chacko Malayil from the parish of Neendoor and Bro. Palackal Panchasara Mathew, out of whom the latter died in Rome during the course of his studies. They had to pay 278 gold coins( 139 gold coins for two people) for the travel of four people from Madras to Portugal and later another 35 gold coins for their travel between Portugal and Rome. Ibid., pp.76; 219 . Fr. Joseph Kariyattil kept the rest of money( 43, 280 chakrams)for meeting other types of expenses of the group. Ibid., p.80.It shows the great amount of resource mobilization tat this community undertook for the purpose of carrying out this trip.
21. 21.This is evident from the fact that on several occasions he says that he is narrating the developments so that the members of the community might know of it. Paremakkel Thomakathanar, Varthaanapusthakam, p.134
22. 22.Ibid., pp.18-9
23. 23.There were at least 4 copies of Varthamanpusthakam in circulation in 1970s. One prepared by Fr. Ouseph Vezhaparambil in 1898, the second one was transcribed by the CMI priests in 1902 and the third one was made by Fr. Mathai Paremakkel in 1903. However the copy with the Tharakan family is considered to be the original work of Fr.Thomas Paremakkel. See Paremakkel Thommakathanar, Varthamanapusthakam (Malayalam), edited by Thomas Moothedan, p.17. The first printing of this work was done in 1936 by Plathottathil Luka Mathai. However, the printing from the original was done in 1977 by Janatha books, Thevara. Nevertheless an English translation of the book was already published by Placid Podipara from Oriental Institute of Rome, in 1971.
24. 24.Fr.Joseph Kariyattil was appointed as a bishop on 16th July, 1782 and was consecrated a bishop on 17th February , 1783 . Paremakkel Thommakathanar, Varthamanapusthakam, pp. 265; 296
25. 25.The group reached Goa on 1st May, 1786; however on 10th September 1786 bishop Joseph Kariyattil died of “mysterious reasons” and Fr. Thomas Paremakkel attributes it to the treachery of the missionaries. Ibid., p. 380. We do not know for sure whether Paremakkel’s version of the story is true or not. However, there are many local historians like M.O.Joseph who say that bishop Joseph Kariyattil was poisoned to death. M.O.Joseph, Suriani Kristhianikal, pp.46-440.
26. 26. Paremakkel Thommakathanar, Varthamanapusthakam, p.16
27. 27. Ibid.,p. 27
28. 28.Paremakkel Thommakathanar, Varthamanapusthakam, pp.27-8. Here I should also say that later the missionaries sent an envoy expressing their regret for having sent out the St.Thomas Christians from the funeral of the bishop and they expressed their readiness to do penance for it. Ibid., pp.33-4
29. 29. Paremakkel Thommakathanar, Varthamanapusthakam, pp.27-28
30. 30. Ibid., pp.27-8; 30
31. 31. Ibid., p.30
32. 32.Ibid., pp. 30;33 After the beginning of the meeting of the mahayogam( meeting of the representatives of 72 churches) , three European missionaries came to Angamaly to take track of the situation and they were secretly put up in the presbyteral house by the supporters of the European missionaries..
33. 33. Paremakkel Thommakathanar, Varthamanapusthakam, pp.31; 34
34. 34. Ibid., pp.28-9
35. 35.Commenting on the incident cited by Fr.Thomas Paremakkel, E.R. Hambye says that some misdeeds were committed by the European Carmelite missionaries to defame the local clergy. E.R.Hambye, History of Christianity in India, vol.III, p.28
36. 36.Paremakkel Thommakathanar, Varthamanapusthakam, pp.36-8. For having killed Fr. Jacob, later the Travancorean government is said to have punished two European missionaries, viz., Fr. John and Fr. Paulinus. However Paulinus of St.Bartholomew, a Carmelite missionary (John Philip Vesdini) from lower Austria( present day Croatia) then working in Kerala viewed Thomas Paremakkel as the cause for disorders among the St. Thomas Christians of Kerala. See Antoney George Pattaparambil, The Failed Rebellion of Syro-Malabar Christians, pp.244-5
37. 37. Paremakkel Thommakathanar, Varthamanapusthakam, pp.38-9;61
38. 38. Ibid., p.41
39. 39.See E.R.Hambye, History of Christianity in India, pp.28-9; Paremakkel Thommakathanar, Varthamanapusthakam, p.42
40. 40. Paremakkel Thommakathanar, Varthamanapusthakam , pp.42-3; 54
41. 41. E.R.Hambye, History of Christianity in India, p.28
42. 42.Paremakkel Thommakathanar, Varthamanapusthakam, pp.54-55
43. 43. Ibid., pp.54-55
44. 44.Ibid., p.54. Later when Fr. John de Santa Margarita, who had arrested and tormented the priest of the St.Thomas Christians for having taken the lead in festal procession, was made the bishop(Vicar Apostolic) of Verapoly , Fr. Thomas Paremakkel and Fr.Joseph Kariyattil informed the Roman authorities about the atrocities he had earlier done to the native priests of Kerala and his appointment as bishop was finally cancelled in 1780.Ibid., pp.145; 204
45. 45. Paremakkel Thommakathanar, Varthamanapusthakam, p.125
46. 46. Ibid., p.61
47. 47. Ibid.
48. 48. Ibid., pp.329-330
49. 49.Paremakkel Thommakathanar, Varthamanapusthakam, pp. 49-51
50. 50. Ibid., pp.62-3
51. 51. Ibid., p.64
52. 52.Ibid., p.329. The church of Malayattoor had to pay a fine imposed by the local ruler for having released a robber by a European missionary called Padre Clemis. Actually he was tied there in the vicinity of church by the local ruler on the feast day of Malayattoor church and for the arrogant behaviour of the missionary the faithful had to pay the fine.
53. 53.Antoney George Pattaparambil, The Failed Rebellion of Syro-Malabar Christians, pp.244-5; See also Paulinus a S. Bartholomaeo, India Orientalis Christiana, Rome, 1794; Paulinus a S. Bartholomaeo, Viaggio alle Indie Orientali, Rome, 1796.
54. 54.Paremakkel Thommakathanar, Varthamanapusthakam, p.12
55. 55. Ibid., p.71
56. 56.On reaching Rome both Fr.Joseph Kariyattil and Fr.Thomas Paremakkel did something reciprocating the help that they had received from these people. They prepared a short life history of Devasahayam Pillai( Neelakanda Pillai) in Latin and submitted a request to the Congregation for Canonization for the purpose of making him a saint. The Nair officer Neelakanda Pillai , who embraced Christianity in 1745 and took the name of Devasahayam Pillai under the influence of E.B.de Lannoy , the commander-in-chief of Travancorean army, was martyred in 1752. Fr.Joseph Kariyattil and Fr.Thomas Paremakkel traveling through Thakla almost 26 years after his martyrdom (1778) came to know of his heroic suffering and death and on the basis of the information thus gathered from the region that they prepared his biography and requested for his canonization. This was the first case when an Indian submitted a request to Rome for the purpose of canonizing an Indian. Paremakkel Thommakathanar, Varthamanapusthakam, p.197. See also E.R.Hambye, History of Christianity in India, vol.III, p.86; J.B.Buttari, Devasagayam Pillai’s Conversion and Martyrdom, tran. by P.Dahmen, Trichy, 1908.
57. 57.Paremakkel Thommakathanar, Varthamanapusthakam, pp.305-307; see also Francis Thonippara, Saint Thomas Christians of India: a Period of Struggle for Unity and Self-Rule( 1775-1787), Bangalore, 1999, pp.222-3
58. 58.Antoney George Pattaparambil, The Failed Rebellion of Syro-Malabar Christians, pp. 244, 248; E.R.Hambye, History of Christianity in India, vol.III, pp.55-9; 68-70; 75-77, 89, 136
59. 59. Ibid., p.321
60. 60. Ibid., p.327
61. 61. Ibid., p.315
62. 62.Ibid., pp.327-8
63. 63.Ibid., pp.318-9
64. 64. Ibid.
65. 65.The reference is to jathikkukarthaviyan or Archdeacon. For details on the institution of Archdeacon see Jacob Kollaparambil, The Archdeacon of All India, Kottayam, 1972; Joseph Thekkedath, The Troubled Days of Francis Garcia S.J., Archbishop of Cranganore (1641-59), Rome, 1972.
66. 66. Paremakkel Thommakathanar, Varthamana Pusthakam, p.32.
67. 67. Ibid., pp.32-3
68. 68. Ibid., p.323
69. 69. Ibid., p.322
70. 70. Ibid., p.299
71. 71.William H. Nelson, The American Tory, 1961, p.186; Bernard Bailyn, The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution, Cambridge, 1967, pp.273-4, 299-304
72. 72. J.H.da Cunha Rivara, A Conjurção de 1787 em Goa e varias Cousas desse Tempo Memoria Historica, Nova Goa, 1875, pp.13-4;42-56. Fr.Thomas Paremakkel met these Goan priests in Rome and Lisbon in 1780s and he refers to the details of the entire project of these three Goan priest. See Paremakkel Thommakathanar, Varthamanapusthakam, pp.119, 222,280,282-6. Fr. Thomas Paremakkel, who was along with these priests in Lisbon, mentions in detail about their plan to make Fr. Cajetano Vitorino de Faria as Archbishop of Goa, Fr. Cajetano Francisco do Couto as bishop of Cochin, Fr. Jose Antonio Gonçalves as bishop of Mylapore and a Franciscan Friar as bishop for Malacca. For details see Paremakkel Thommakathanar, Varthamanapusthakam , pp.247-8
73. 73.Paremakkel Thommakathanar, Varthamanapusthakam , pp.277, 280
74. 74.J.H.da Cunha Rivara, A Conjurção de 1787 em Goa, pp.10-23
75. 75.J.H.da Cunha Rivara, A Conjurção de 1787 em Goa , pp.10-2; See also Charles Borges, Goa and the Revolt of 1787, New Delhi, 1996.
76. 76. J.H.da Cunha Rivara, A Conjurção de 1787 em Goa , pp.36-8
77. 77.For details see Hannes Stubbe, “Jose Custodio de Faria in the History of the World of Psychology: A Dialogue between Indian and European Psychologies”, in Pius Malekandathil and Jamal Mohammed (eds.), The Portuguese, Indian Ocean and European Bridgehead: Festschrift in Honour of Prof. K.S. Mathew. Fundação Oriente, Lisbon/ IRISH, Tellicherry,2001,pp.337-53. Egas Moniz, O Padre Faria na Historia do Hipnotismo, Lisboa, 1925. Abbe Faria was born of Cajetano Vitorino de Faria out of a legitimate marriage. Fr. Thomas Paremakel says that Cajetano Vitorino de Faria left his wife and his two children to become a priest and later took his son Jose Custodio de Faria (Abbe Faria) to the Propaganda college of Rome for his priestly studies. Paremakkel Thommankathanar, Varthamanapusthakam , p.119. See also J.H.da Cunha Rivara, A Conjurção de 1787 em Goa ,p.88
78. 78. Paremakkel Thommakathanar, Varthamanapusthakam, pp.24; 363
79. 79. J.H.da Cunha Rivara, A Conjurção de 1787 em Goa, pp.10-38
80. 80. Paremakkel Thommankathanar, Varthamanapusthakam, p.380
81. 81.The leaders and ministers of these Churches used to preach revolutionary themes in their sermons; however the ministers of Anglican Church stood with the British. William H. Nelson, The American Tory, 1961, p.186; Bernard Bailyn, The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution, Cambridge, 1967, pp.273-4, 299-304
82. 82.Paremakkel Thommankathanar, Varthamanapusthakam, pp.355; 359
83. 83. Ibid., pp.356-63
84. 84. Philomena Sequeira Antony, The Goa-Bahia Intra-Colonial Relations , 1675-1825, Tellicherry, 2004, p.40
85. 85. Ibid., p.45
86. 86. Ibid., p. 382
87. 87.The reference is to jathikkukarthaviyan or Archdeacon. For details on the institution of Archdeacon see Jacob Kollaparambil, The Archdeacon of All India, Kottayam, 1972; Joseph Thekkedath, The Troubled Days of Francis Garcia S.J., Archbishop of Cranganore (1641-59), Rome, 1972
88. 88. Paremakkel Thommankathanar, Varthamana-pusthakam, p.32.
89. 89. Ibid., pp.32-33
90. 90. Yogams blocked some 9 missionary priests from entering the churches of the St.Thomas Christians. Ibid., pp.51-2
91. 91. Ibid., p.331
92. 92. Ibid., p.163
93. 93. Ibid.,p. 170
94. 94. Ibid., pp.18-19; 27-46; 65; 76.
95. 95. Ibid., pp.54-55
96. 96. Ibid., p.380
97. 97. Ibid. p.46
98. 98.Ibid., p.382
99. 99.Ibid., p.324
100. 100. Ibid., p.324
101. 101. Ibid., p.325

• ‘The St. Thomas Christian Encyclopaedia of India’- Volume II , Chief Editor Prof.George Menachery
• “The Arrival of the Portuguese in India and the Thomas Christians under Mar Jacob 1498-1552” by Dr. Mathias Mundadan
• MS Vatican Syriac 22 & MS Vatican Syriac 17: Syriac Manuscripts copied in South India
• ‘The Indian Christians of St. Thomas’ by Dr. Leslie Brown
• “Christianity in India- a History in ecumenical perspective” by HC Perumalil and ER Hambye
• Population Statistics and Demography of Saint Thomas Christians, Churches with historical references
• ‘East of the Euphrates- Early Christianity in Asia’ by T.V. Philip

This paper presents the results of research on the Pesaha tradition of Saint Thomas Christians of India (Mar Toma Nasranis or Nasranis) in the context of its socio-cultural aspects. Pesaha is a tradition observed by the Nasranis at home on Maundy Thursday. This practice is observed with piety and has been preserved even after centuries of European influence. This is a unique tradition of Saint Thomas Christians and it is not known to be practiced by any other Christian community in India and abroad. The paper contains details of the Pesaha tradition and associated rituals and practices. The paper also provides an analysis of this tradition and compares its characteristics to that of the Jewish Passover. The paper also attempts to find out the origin of this practice. 1) The recent discovery of an ancient harbour in Kerala, India indicates the presence of Roman, Greek and Middle Eastern communities on the Malabar Coast even before the Christian era. This might point to the presence of early Jewish settlements in Malabar. 2) From literature it is clear that early Jewish Christians, particularly Aramaic speaking Christians, practiced several Jewish rituals including Passover up to the fourth century. 3) An ancient copper plate issued to the Nasranis by the local ruler indicates cooperation between Nasranis and the Jews of Kerala. These lead us to the conclusion that the Pesaha of Nasranis could be traced back to an ancient Syriac Christian practice or it might be the influence of early or later Jewish converts on the Malabar Coast.

1 Introduction

Mar Thoma Nasranis, St. Thomas Christians or simply Nasranis are a group of Christians in India and they trace their Christian origin back to apostolic times. British scholars erroneously called them as Syrian Christians since they follow Syriac liturgical traditions. According to Ramban songs, one of the folk songs of Nasranis, their ancestors were baptised by Saint Thomas the Apostle during his missionary work between 50 AD and 72 AD [Koonammakkal, 2012]. They are mainly concentrated in the Malabar Coast or Kerala, the south west coast of India.

This paper discusses one of their ascetic practices called Pesaha, held on the evening of Pesaha (the night of Maundy Thursday). The topic covered here is not entirely new. What is novel about this paper is the attempt to provide discussions on Pesaha in the context of socio-cultural aspects rather than a theological point of view. The paper is divided into five sections. The following section describes a brief history and divisions of Nasranis. Section 3 discusses traditions associated with the Pesaha celebration. Followed by this, a discussion on the plausible origins in provided. Finally, the paper concludes with a summary and conclusions.

2 A concise history of Mar Thoma Nasranis

A brief discussion of Nasrani history is essential for this paper. The following paragraphs of this section cover it. According to the tradition of Mar Thoma Nasranis, St Thomas the Apostle, landed in Kodungalloor in 50 AD [Koonammakkal, 2012b]. It could be that he travelled to the Malabar Coast by a ship of Roman traders as there was active trade between the Gulf Peninsula and the Malabar Coast according to a number of authors like [Tomber, 2008]. As per Rambaan songs, the traditional folk songs of Nasranis, Saint Thomas the Apostle established seven Churches in Kerala – Kodungallur, Kollam, Niranam, Nilackal (Chayal), Kokkamangalam, Kottakkayal (Paravoor) and Palayoor. Their folksongs also describe the martyrdom of St Thomas at Chinna Mala near Chennai in Tamil Nadu in 72 AD. The events described in the folksongs are in line with the Acts of Thomas [Vadakkekkara, 2007], written in classical Syriac before the third century. Although the Acts cannot be considered as an apocryphal work, the striking similarity of their folksongs and the text of the Acts indicate the antiquity of the traditionon the Malabar Coast.

2.1 Historical Divisions

Until the aftermath of Coonan Cross oath in 1653 AD, the Nasranis were united under a community head called Arkadiyokkan (Archdeacon or Jaathikku Karthavan) – “the head of the caste,” bearing the title “Archdeacon and Gate of All India”. The Archdeacon held all characteristics of a King or a modern secular leader. He was normally escorted by a group of Nasrani soldiers. By sending Bishops spiritual guidance was given by the Catholicos-Patriarch of Seleucia-Ctesiphon -the Church of the East (CoE). Though there were occasions when more than one bishop from CoE was present in Malabar at the same time, there was only one Arkkadiyokkan – the head of the Church – who made decisions for temporal matters of the Church. Bishops from CoE had the role to give spiritual guidance and they never intervened in the financial and communal matters of Nasranis. Thus the Church in Malabar was united under the leadership of the Arkadiyokkan.

When traders from Portugal came from 1498 AD onwards, there were also Roman Catholic missionaries accompanying them. Relation between Mar Thoma Nasranis and Portuguese in the early years (until AD 1550s) of their visits were friendly since the Portuguese had to depend on the Nasranis for reasons of trade and military help. Gradually the power and influence of Portugal increased in India and they demanded power on the churches of Mar Thoma Nasranis, thinking that they could gain control on the spice trade. Portuguese managed to get support of the Hindu King of Kochi as well, a Kingdom that had supported them for long time. As a result, the Portuguese missionaries convened a meeting in 1599 AD, which they call “Udayamperoor Sunhados” (Synod of Diamper), an invalid Synod according to Thaliath [1958]. The so-called Synod declared the authority of the Portuguese Padroado over the Church of Saint Thomas Christians and appointed a Jesuit Bishop of Portuguese origin to govern the Malabar Church. Thus the Portuguese colonised the Church of Malabar that has apostolic origin. Fifty years after the invalid Synod, through the Coonan Cross oath, the Nasranis sought to assert the freedom their ancestors lost. They pledged that they will never accept the authority of any Jesuit or Portuguese bishop¹. Perhaps this might be the very firstorganied activity against European colonialism in India. However, the events after the oath were not positive; Nasranis split into two factions and in the later centuries into many more denominations. At present they are divided into seven denominations. A pictorial representation of these divisions is given below. For more details see Figure 1.

2.2 Origin of Early Converts

It is reasonable to think that the early converts on the Malabar Coast in the first century were from various ethnic groups and religions, including Judaism² , Buddhism³ , Jainism⁴ , Vedic⁵ , other tribal⁶ religions of Kerala and immigrant communities⁷ (Greeks, Romans and Persians). Therefore the ethnic composition of Nasranis cannot be considered as a single entity. In the early centuries Aramaic was the lingua-franca of trade in Asia [Koonammakkal, 2012b]. Saint Thomas was an Aramaic speaker and a Jew and it is reasonable to think that it was the Jewish colonies that existed in the India from the times of King Solomon that paved the way for Saint Thomas to India [Puthiyakunnel, 1973] and [Koonammakkal, 2012b]. In the later centuries, by the end of third century onwards or even earlier [Mingana, 1926], large groups of Christians from Persia and perhaps other Middle Eastern Kingdoms started migrating to Malabar Coast due to persecutions, political or economical reasons. Hence, it can be said that the community has emerged through centuries of conversion of local inhabitants and the assimilation of migrations of a number of foreign communities.

Despite being a cosmopolitan community, some ascetic practices of St Thomas Christians are still similar to those of Jews. Some of these are unique and cannot be found among other Christian communities in the world. Among them is the tradition of Pesaha and this paper focuses on this topic.

3 Pesaha night rituals of Nasranis and Jews

For Jews, celebration of Passover is related to their Exodus from Egypt after 400 years of slavery under the Pharaohs in Egypt. The story of the Exodus from Egypt is described in the Old Testament (Exodus 1-15). This festival commemorates the beginning of their life as a nation. A brief mention of the Jewish Passover is needed for proceeding with this subject, and is described in the following paragraphs. At least for the Eastern Christians, the Passover is the most important celebration because the Last Supper was a Jewish Passover Seder.

3.1 Jewish Passover

It should be noted that there are differences in the way Jews from different nations celebrate Passover. Cultural elements from their host countries influenced their Passover practices too. For example Jews of Kochi have extra observance on their purification rituals prior to the Passover week, compared to Jews from other countries. This is perhaps due to their interaction with the caste concerned Hindu society [Katz, 2005]. Only a short description of general practices is given here.

The removal of chametz (leaven) is the most significant observance related to Jewish Passover and this practice is consistently seen among all Jewish communities. Chametz commemorates the fact that the Jews leaving Egypt were in a hurry, and did not have time to let their flour ferment. Passover customs include drinking four cups of wine and eating matza (cracker-like bread made of white plain flour and water. The bread is pricked in several places and not allowed to rise before or during baking) and consumption of symbolic foods placed on the Passover Seder plate. While many Jewish celebrations revolve around the synagogues, the Jewish Passover is conducted at homes. It is an occasion for praise and thanksgiving. Often the celebrations go on until late at night, with the reading of the Haggadah, study the meaning of various passages, and singing special Passover songs. It is customary to invite guests, especially strangers and the needy.

The Passover Seder Plate is a special plate containing six symbolic foods used during the Passover Seder. The six items on the Seder Plate are:

1. Maror and Chazeret; Two types of bitter herbs, symbolizing the bitterness and harshness of the slavery which the Jews endured in Ancient Egypt.
2. Charoset; A sweet, brown, pebbly mixture, representing the mortar used by the Jewish slaves to build the storehouses of Egypt.
3. Karpas; A vegetable other than bitter herbs, usually parsley but sometimes something such as celery or cooked potato, which is dipped into salt water (Ashkenazi custom), vinegar (Sephardi custom) or charoset (older custom, still common amongst Yemenite Jews) at the beginning of the Seder.
4. Z’roa; A roasted shank bone, symbolizing the korban Pesach (Pesach sacrifice), which was a lamb offered in the Temple in Jerusalem and was then roasted and eaten as part of the meal on Seder night.
5. Beitzah; A roasted egg, symbolizing the korban chagigah (festival sacrifice) that was offered in the Temple in Jerusalem and was then roasted and eaten as part of the meal on Seder night.

3.2 Pesaha of Nasranis

For Nasranis, the observance of Pesaha is the feast of Eucharist and it falls during Sawma Ramba (Weeks of Great Fast) unlike the traditional date of Sacred Heart in the Latin rite [Pathikulangara, 2009]. It falls on the Maundy Thursday and coincided with the Passover Seder night of Jews. It is a public Holiday in Kerala state. There are no reliable records⁸ other than tradition to prove its antiquity, however the name Pesaha (originates from Syriac) itself and the characteristics of the associated rituals indicate its antiquity.

3.2.1 Passion Week and Pesaha

The Weeks of Great Fast itself is the preparation towards Qyamtha – the Great Sunday of Resurrection. Passion Week (or the last week of Great fast) has the highest piety for Nasranis. Preparation for Pesaha starts on the Sunday of Oshana or Palm Sunday. Tender coconut leaves distributed on the Sunday of Oshana has great importance for the Pesaha celebration. On this week, the home and its surroundings (Adichu Thuda in Malayalam) are thoroughly cleaned. The eldest male member has a significant role in the Pesaha celebration. Still in some families the tradition of cleaning the surroundings are done by the head of the family, like in the olden days.

3.2.2 Pesaha Meal

Depending on the region or family, new vessels are bought for making Pesaha meal, called Pesaha Appam⁹ and a sweet drink called Paal (milk in Malayalam). In some families or regions, dedicated vessels are used for making Pesaha meals only. In some regions the earthen pottery used for making Pesaha meal is destroyed after use. In some places like Kottayam, Pala, Changanassery etc. and Kuttanadu region, the appam is cooked using steam whereas in places such Thodupuzha and Kothamangalam or the high range areas, the bread is roasted on a hot plate instead of steaming.

Unlike the other traditional breads of Nasranis, Pesaha Appam is the only bread that is made using urid daal (a kind of lentils white in colour). The important aspect, like in the case of Jewish Passover, during its preparation is to avoid traces of any old food or fermentation. As described earlier, a new vessel or a dedicated vessel is used for cooking the meal. In addition, the batter prepared using rice flour, urid daal, garlic, local herbs and coconut is not allowed to ferment – that is, the first loaf of bread is made immediately after the batter is prepared. Over the first loaf of bread a miniature form of plain cross made using the tender coconut leaves (distributed on the Sunday of Oshana) is placed. The left over batter is also cooked, but without a miniature cross. The sweet drink (ingredients: Rice flour, coconut milk, jaggery – a type of unrefined sugar – and some local herbs) also is made so that any traces of fermentation is avoided. As in the case of Pesaha Appam, a miniature cross also is put into the vessel while cooking Pesaha drink. This thick brown-coloured drink might be comparable to the characteristics of Charoset of Jewish Passover Seder. Pesaha meal also includes some local fresh fruits and nuts.

3.2.3 Pesaha Night

On the night of Pesaha, all family members gather together at home. If extended family members also live in the near vicinity, they gather at their ancestral home. The eldest male member or the head of the family cuts the Pesaha Appam. Some families cut the bread into 13 pieces, to remind the Last Supper of Isho M’shiha. The head of the family narrates the story of Pesaha to young family members or children during ceremony. Extracts from the book of Exodus about the Pesaha – the exodus of Israel from Egyptian slavery – are read. In some regions the reading of the last supper which was a Pesaha meal – is also read. Some families still follow the tradition of singing special hymns or songs on the night of Pesaha. The head of the family serves the food and no food other than Pesaha meal is consumed on the night of Pesaha.

If a death has occurred in the family, the Pesaha Appam is not made that year, but relatives or a neighbour makes two loaves of Pesaha Appam and gives the extra one for the grieving family. The first loaf of Pesaha Appam is never shared with non-Christians; however, the extra loaves are shared. Strictly speaking, the extra loaves are not necessarily unleavened as they are not cooked immediately after the batter is prepared. If there is any leftovers, it is either consumed on the Passion Friday by the children during the day or in the evening by the adults – since it is a traditional Fasting day of Nasranis. Any further leftovers are dried and consumed later, but never thrown away.

3.3 Similarities of Jewish Passover and Pesaha of Nasranis

The Passover of Nasranis has some similarities with the Passover celebration of the Jews as listed below.

• Cleaning of the household.
• Usage of thoroughly cleaned or new dishes for cooking the Pesaha meal.
• Both groups make unleavened bread on the day of Passover.
• Traces of leavened food or grains are avoided.
• The sweet drink among the Nasranis may be an incultured form of Charoset in the Jewish Passover Seder plate.
• The head of the family serves the food.
• Meals of both groups include bitter food. Bitter drink¹⁰ among Nasranis and maror among Jews.
• Singing of special songs or hymns.
• Alms-giving to the needy¹¹.

The Jews of Kochi had a practice to sell the old potteries during Passover and buy new ones for cooking their Passover meals [Katz & Goldberg, 1993]. Nasranis in some regions still observe a similar tradition of using new potteries for cooking Pesaha meals.

4 Discussion

Pesaha of Nasranis might be an indication of their Jewish or Judeo-Christian roots. The author proposes four points for further discussion in this section to perhaps trace the origin of Pesaha among the Nasranis.

• Jewish past of Nasranis.
• Persian immigration and their religio-cultural relationship with the Persian Church and the East Syrian Church.
• Judeo-Nasrani interaction in the later centuries.
• An import of the 16th century European tradition.

4.1 The Jewish Past

One may ask whether there were Jews in Kerala when St Thomas arrived in Kerala. It is not possible to establish the existence of Jews in Kerala based on documentary evidence. However, circumstantial evidences, particularly the trade links that Kerala had in those days, lead us to the existence of Jewish communities in Kerala. Koonammakkal [2012b] describes the trade links that existed between the Mediterranean world, Mesopotamia, Persia and India long before Christ. According to him, these existing trade links were the basis for Solomon‘s commercial enterprises in the 10th century BC.

4.1.1 Indications from Old Testament

Old Testament mentions a number of materials that may have been exported from India to the Kingdom of Israel. We read in 3 Kings, 10:28 “…And they came to Ophir and fetched from thence, gold, four hundred and twenty talents, and brought it to King Solomon”. Again in 3 Kings 10:22, “For the King’s navy once in three years went with the navy of Hiram by sea to Tharshish (may be the old name of Tharissapalli, near Kollam) and brought from thence gold and silver, ivory (elephant teeth) and apes and peacocks”. Scholars disagree about the location of Ophir but commodities like peacocks, elephants etc. are not found in Palestine and neighbouring countries and it is reasonable to think that these were taken from west/east coasts of India.

In addition, spices like cinnamon and cassia are mentioned in Exodus 35:1-24, and were foreign to Palestine. It is reasonable to think that these were imported from Malabar Coast or Ceylon. Indian teak wood logs have been found in the temple of the Moon at Mugheir and in the palace of Nebuchadenazzar. It is believed that Solomon’s ships (Pathemaari in Malayalam) were of teak wood and believed to be built in Malabar Coast. Blue [2009] describes that there was no suitable timber for building ships were available in Arabia and hence the Arabs visited the forests of Malabar to collect teakwood or even to purchase ships built at Bepoor. Hence it could be concluded that the trade links might have started due the availability of teak wood, peacocks, pepper, Sandalwood and other spices in Malabar.

There are clear evidences that Malabar Coast had constant trade links the Roman and Hellenic worlds for hundreds of years, between 3rd century BC and 5th century AD [Tomber 2008]. After the revolutionary voyages done by Eudoxus of Cyzicus between 120 and 110 BC, the flow of traders from the Mediterranean region to southern coasts of India by sea had dramatically increased. This increased the tempo of the trade to a greater extent and led to the formation of large foreign settlements and communities on the Indian coasts.

4.1.2 Evidences from ancient records

Muziris was an important harbour of Malabar Coast until the middle of the 14th century. The tradition holds that St Thomas the apostle landed at the port of Muziris. A number of travellers describe the sea-route to Muziris. The most important one is the Periplus Maris Eurythyraei (PME), written by a Greece-Egyptian merchant, written in mid first century. In the first century BC, the Greek sailor Hippalus discovered the secret of the monsoons. These publications might have attracted even more traders to the Coast.

Another document that mentions about Muziris from early centuries is called ‘Muziris Papyrus’ [Casson, 1990] [Tomber, 2008]. The Papyrus contains an agreement between two businessmen to do business between Alexandria and Muziris. It also contains detailed itinerary and instructions for transporting goods to the ports between Red Sea to Alexandria. In addition details regarding the value of cargo and goods – namely nard (a typical Ayurvedic herb), ivory, and textiles are described. More details about the document can be found in [Casson, 1990]. Although Muziris Papyrus dates back to the second century, it testifies the existence of a well-established trade between Muziris and other ports. As per Peutinger table, original copy written in the fifth century [Tomber, 2008], the ancient city Muziris had a Greek community with a temple of Augustus for their worship.

It should be noted that Muziris was the most important port and not the only one. A number of other ports like Kollam, Nelkynda, Thyndis was also had trade links with ancient world. The point here is that it was plausible for St Thomas to visit Malabar Coast in the first century due to the active trade links.

A number of texts written in India also mention Muziris. Of these, the most important ones are the Sangam poems, written between 300 BC and 300 AD by a number of poets. Akananooru and Purananooru also mention about Muziris as Muchiri.

4.1.3 Archaeological Evidence

Until recently historians and archaeological researchers were not certain about the existence of such a port due to the lack of archaeological evidences. Recently, a group of researchers from the Kerala historical Society excavated a small village called Pattanam near Kodungalloor. They believe that they have found at least a part of the ancient port of Muziris [Selvakumar et. al., 2009]. According to their studies, Muziris was cosmopolitan port with inhabitants at least from the second half of the 1st millennium BC. A large number (in thousands) of potteries found from the excavated spot originated from the times of Parthian and Sassanian Persia in addition to South Arabia (present day Yemen) Roman Empire, Greece and East Africa [particular article]. According to them, the location of Pattanam matches the descriptions given PME. The carbon dating study conducted on a piece of canoe made of Anjili (Artocarpus hirsutus) concludes its age between 1300BC and 100BC, the oldest part of a ship found from India [Selvakumar et. al., 2009]. These indicate that the Muziris was an active port even before Christ.

All these point towards the fact that there was a number of flourishing trade centres in the Malabar Coast. Therefore the possibility for the existence of Jewish communities cannot be ruled out. According to Katz & Goldberg [1993], permanent settlements were formed as a result of the ancient trade links. Among them were not just Jews but Greeks and Romans. Therefore the author proposes that there were Jews among the early converts by the Saint Thomas. It does not mean that other communities rejected the Good News, as Malekandathil [2007] proposed that possibilities of Yavanas to accept Christianity in the first century could not be ruled out. The fact that the seven churches established by St Thomas are close to early Jewish settlements supports this view¹² . Therefore, the view that there were Jews in the first century when Saint Thomas established his Church in the Malabar Coast cannot be rejected. If this hypothesis is true, it is reasonable to believe that the Pesaha tradition of early converts were continued by the later generations and preserved till today. This point has more validity as the Pesaha is not the only tradition that Nasranis share with the Jews. See Appendix for more details.

4.2 Due to the interaction with the early migrant Christians from Persia

The relationship between the Nasranis and the Church in Persia starts through Saint Thomas the Apostle. The Church in Persia proper (Church in the Fars province headquartered at Rewardashir) also originated from the same saint. Contents of the Acts of Thomas might have been transmitted to Persia or vice-versa through Aramaic-speaking traders. This explains the similarities between Rambaan songs and the Acts of Thomas. Mingana [1926] states that whenever there is a reference about Malabar church the Persian church is also mentioned. He writes: “…Any attempt to speak of early Christianity in India as different from the East Syrian church, is, in our judgement, bound to fail”.

Some scholars and leaders of Nasrani Churches believe that the migration of Persian Christians and the dependence of Nasranis on the Persian Church started from 345 AD onwards under the leadership of Thomas of Cana¹³ . Mingana [1926] writes that this is far from the truth, but he agrees that the migrations might have reached its peak during 345 AD due to the persecution by Sapor II. Evidences speak that the migrations might have started much earlier. According to him, two shores in the Persian Gulf – Basra and Qatar had well-established bishopric sees by 225 AD and these ports were flourishing trade centres at that time. The first recorded migration of Christians from West Asia to Malabar Coast happened around 300 AD with the leadership of Bishop Dawood of Basra according to Chronicles of Seert. According to Tomber [2008] the Sassanian Empire (224 to 651 AD) gained dominance in spice trade from the Romans after the third century. Perhaps this might be the reason why we see clear evidences for migration from Persia to Malabar Coast around that time. From this point onwards a number of Christians started migrating to the Malabar Coast. As Mingana pointed out, persecutions by the Sassanian King Sapor II might have attracted even more Christians from Persia to Malabar. These early migrant Christians from Persia carried Syriac traditions with them.

Christians of Aramaic-speaking world, particularly those in Persia, in the early centuries followed a number of Jewish-customs. Rouwhorst [1997] reports the Jewish customs present among the Christians of the early centuries. They include architecture of worship houses, the liturgical readings from the Torah and the Prophets, the Eucharistic Prayer, traces of the Jewish Sabbath, Passover etc. He adds that this was particularly more evident among the Christians who used Syriac in the later centuries. Since church in Malabar had connections with Christians of Persia as early as 3rd century, it is possible that the Jewish customs prevalent among them were passed over to them through the migrants. According him, the Jewish customs of Christians of Persia has vanished after 4th century.

Since the migration of Christians started from 3rd century onwards, it is possible that the Jewish customs of West Asian Christians were also passed to Malabar Christians through the immigrants. This hypothesis is supported by the testimony of Cosmas Indicopleustes, an Alexandrian Greek traveller and East-Syrian monk. He writes about the presence of East-Syrian Christians in Malabar and nearby regions. He also mentions about a Bishop consecrated in Persia residing in Kalliana. Kalliana could be either Kollam (Quilon in Kerala) or Kalyan (Mumbai). In a letter written in the eighth century, the East Syrian Patriarch Timothy I encouraged intermarriages between Persian Christians and Indian Christians. Therefore this hypothesis also cannot be easily rejected.

4.3 Judeo-Nasrani Interaction in Malabar

It is already established that a number of Jewish migrations took place through the famous port Muziris or present day Kodungalloor. Remnants of a number of early Jewish colonies can be found even today near the vicinity of Kodungalloor. The Christianity of Malabar was centred in these ancient centres.

There was a cordial relation between the Nasranis and Jews of Malabar until the European colonialists came to the scene. There are signatures in Hebrew in one of copper plates issued to the Nasranis in about 9th century [Narayanan, 2002]. There were joint-trade activities by the Jews and Nasranis of Malabar (Anjuvannam and Manigramam). These indicate that when the Christians and the Jews were fighting each other in Europe, in the Malabar Coast the situation was just the opposite. Due to these interactions, there might have emerged a community resulting from the marriages between the Nasranis and the Jews. It is also possible that a number of Jews accepted Christianity in the later centuries and mingled with the Christians of Malabar through marriage relations. When some Jewish people accepted into the community of Nasranis, they might have continued practicing Jewish customs as part of their life. Of these, Pesaha along with many others might have spread into the entire community and remained until the modern times.

4.4 An imported European tradition

One should not rule out the possibility of popularising a form of Maundy Thursday celebration from Europe among the Malabar Christians during the times of European colonisers. Knapp [2007] established that a number of hymns and prayers present in the Latin mass have root in early Jewish prayers. According to him, the European or Roman Christianity had a number of Jewish practices prior to 15th century. Therefore one cannot rule out the possibility of such a tradition among Malabar Christians, imported from Europe in the sixteenth century through colonisers and invaders. Due to the interaction with the Portuguese, the Malabar Church had accepted a lot of Latin practices. The Portuguese missionaries were very enthusiastic to force Latin practices on St Thomas Christians; interestingly some practices are not even seen among the Latin Christians (for example singing of Puthen Paana on the Passiona Friday). By the time of Parambil Chandy Methran, perhaps even earlier than the invalid Synod of Diamper, they even have succeeded in replacing the native vestments of St Thomas Christians with the vestments of Latin Church. Therefore, it is possible that even the practice of Pesaha could be an inculturation of a Latin tradition which was prevalent in Europe in the later centuries of the middle ages.

From a survey conducted among various Christian communities in Kerala, it was found that Latin Catholic communities that live without interaction to Nasrani denominations do not follow the tradition of Pesaha. In addition, the Latin Catholic communities in the Konkan Coast (Mangalore, Goa etc.) do not have the tradition of Pesaha. If this tradition was an import from Europe, it could have also found among the Latin Catholic communities of India. Further, any Christian communities in European countries like Portugal, Spain, Germany, Italy etc. do not have the tradition of making unleavened bread on Maundy Thursday. The invalid synod of Diamper describes nothing about the observance of Pesaha of Nasranis. If such a practice was imposed at the time of the so-called Synod, this might have been present in the decree. Due to these reasons the author rejects this hypothesis that the Pesaha of tradition was an import from Europe after 16th century.

5 Conclusions

Pesaha is a unique ascetic practice of Nasranis held at their homes. We see that there is a striking similarity between the Pesaha of Nasranis and the Passover of Jews. According to Rouwhorst [1997], rituals are characterized by certain stability; usually they are not invented all of a sudden and at least their basic structures are not so easily changed. The practice of making unleavened bread on the evening of Pesaha might be one such basic practice and have origin from the Jewish Passover. Therefore the possibility of Pesaha tradition from Jewish Passover cannot be easily rejected.

As a matter of fact, the possible origins described earlier in this paper are related to each other to a great extent. Therefore the most plausible solution is to find an answer by combining these. The author proposes that the Pesaha of Nasranis could be traced back to one of the following or a combination of both.

• It might be the influence of early or later Jewish converts in the Malabar Coast.
• Or an ancient Syriac Christian practice transmitted through the Christian migrants from Persia.

Pesaha has its origins from the early Jewish converts – the question is only about geographic location of those converts – whether it is Malabar or Persia. There is no doubt that Pesaha of Nasranis is the remnant of one of the early apostolic traditions, which somehow survived in Malabar Coast due to the lack of frequent contacts or interaction with other parts of the Christendom.

6 Appendix: Other Cultural Similarities that point towards Jewish Heritage of Nasranis

6.1 Naming conventions

According to Koonammakkal [2012b] the naming convention of Nasranis, “The eldest boy is named after paternal grandfather; the eldest girl receives the name of paternal grandmother; the second boy and girl get the names of maternal grandfather and maternal grandmother respectively. Thus four names were always inherited in the family with great pride and joy. One could choose the name of the fifth child, though the choice was often that of an uncle, aunt, parent, etc. Thus we can say that most of the names among St Thomas Christians are inherited from generation to generation. Even in modern times they rarely break this naming tradition. Often pet names are developed from baptismal names, but need not necessarily.” These rules are similar to that of Sephardic Jews according to Katz [2005]. According to the decree of the so-called Synod of Diamper, the names were chosen from the Old Testament only. The Synod proposed to accept New Testament names as well.

6.2 Musical characteristics in the liturgy

Eminent musicologist Ross [1979] studied the musical characteristics of liturgical music that is used by the Nasranis. He studied various aspects such as chant accentuation, mode, rhythmic and melodic motives and organum. According to the study, chant accentuation system of Nasranies is similar to the Palestinian dot system of Jews. Mode among the music of Syrian Christians is similar to Arabic maqamat, a system prevalent in Middle East at the beginning of Common Era.

In music theory, augmentation is the lengthening or widening of rhythms, melodies, intervals and chords. An augmented second is a major second raised a half step (or a semitone, or half a tone). Thus, if two notes are an augmented second apart, there are three semitones (one an a half tones) separating them. It is a frequently used interval in Arabic maqamat and Indian Raga. It is interesting that augmented second is not seen among Syrian liturgical music. This is also true for liturgical music of Cochini Jews. The solo recitation of the precentor (one who helps facilitate worship) is the melodic motives used in responsorial (an anthem consisting of short verses sung or spoken by the officiant and responses sung or spoken by the choir, especially after the lesson in a church service) and antiphonal song (a hymn or psalm performed by two groups of singers chanting alternate sections). The units of chant melody derive from initial melody, the recitation tone and cadential motives. These characteristics together with some others are similar to some Hebrew cantillation and prayer motives.

Syrian Christian music rhythm is logogenic, the melody has little or no tonal syntax independent from that of the words. Syrian Christian solo chant is in the flowing, free rhythmic, non-metrical manner termed ‘punctuation style’. The orthodox Jewish tradition does not allow decorated music. Orthodox Rabbis wanted chanting words only. So author believes that the music of Syrian Christians still have this characteristics of Orthodox Jewish music.

Organum in Syrian Christian music occurs in congregational singing of responses, antiphons or hymn tunes. This is seen among three isolated groups of Jews viz. Yemenite Jews, Cochini Jews and Hebrew Samaritans.

It is probable that a number of melodies that were once part of the common repertory of the Syrian churches in the Middle East and India are now extant only in Kerala.

6.3 Church centred life and Synagogue centred life

Ross [1979] and Katz [2005] mentions that the Nasranis and Cochin Jews are two communities grown in parallel in Malabar Coast. Ross mentions that the life style of Cochin Jews was synagogue centred. The Nasranis also have similar life style centred in their churches. It is well known that every Nasrani churches irrespective of the denominations have committee meeting after Qurbana (mass).

6.4 Kiss of peace

There is a custom called Kaimuthu among the Nasranis at the conclusion of forty days mourning period after someone dies. This is similar to ‘kiss of peace’ (kaikkasthoori), a custom that is seen in some Nasrani churches at the conclusion of Qurbana, which is passed from Bishop to Priest to worshiper. Kiss of peace is a sign of respect and friendship and has its roots in the Jewish Temple worship [Ross, 1979].

6.5 Restrictions in mixing milk and milk products with meat or fish

Nasranis do not mix milk and milk products with meat. This is particularly true during festival occasions such as wedding. The origin of Kachiya moru (cooked butter milk) might have origin from this custom. It is a tradition among a number of vegetarian communities to use curd or butter milk during parties. However, it may also be noted the Ayurveda also puts such restriction for mixing milk and meat products.

6.6 Presentation of babies in the Church after their birth

Decrees of the Synod of Diamper describes that Nasranis followed an exact tradition of Jews while presenting their children in the Church after their birth. Like Jews, Nasranis used to present their male children on the 40th day and female children on the 80th day after their birth. The Synod instructed Nasranis to abolish this practice because Jews also followed the same tradition.

6.7 Origin of Palappam and Kallappam

Palappam and Kallappam represent the cultural identity of Nasrani food. According to Gil [2010], Palappam originated in the southern tip of south India (Kerala) and is the traditional food of Kochini Jewish community. This is an indication that some food habits might have continued by the Jewish converts even after they have accepted Christianity or assimilated into the Nasrani community.

6.8 Indication from the Decrees of the Invalid Synod of Diamper

A number of action points imposed on the Nasranis by the so-called Synod of Diamper indicate that many of their customs and lifestyle was similar to that of Jews. Discussing them here is beyond the scope of this paper, but some mentioned below. Decree 15 of the Action VIII commanded the Nasranis to avoid of practice of abstaining from eating meat on Saturdays to be free from the pain of mortal sin. Further, the decree 16 of the same action asks to abolish the practice of observing the beginning and end of the day in the typical Jewish fashion, i.e., change the practice of counting day from “evening to evening” to “midnight to midnight” [Geddes, 1694]. These indicate that the Portuguese were aware of the presence of at least some Nasranis who followed the some laws of the Jews.

6.9 Other Practices

Koonammakkal [2012b] reports a number of other similarities such as the traditions of funeral Practices (ceremonial bath of dead body, mourning of seven days etc.) and purification practices of mother and child after child birth. During the wedding ceremony of Nasranis, the bride stand on the right side of the bridegroom and a bridal veil (manthrakodi) is used. This might also have originated from Jewish customs.

References

[1] Husmann, H. and Jeffery P. (1980), “Syrian Church Music”, New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, London 1980, v. 18, 472-481.
[2] Free, K. B. (1981), “Greek Drama and the Kutiyattam” Theatre Journal, Vol. 33, No. 1, Mar., 1981.
[3] Puthiakunnel, T., (1973) “Jewish colonies of India paved the way for St. Thomas”, The Saint Thomas Christian Encyclopedia of India, ed. George
[4] Horrell, D. G. (2000), “Early Jewish Christianity”, Early Christian World, Volume 1-2, London, UK: Routledge, 2000, p. 136.
[5] Mingana, A. (1926), “The Early Spread of Christianity in India”, University Press in Manchester 1926.
[6] Koonammakkal, T., (2012a) “Judeo-Christian and Patristic roots of St. Thomas Christians”, in Mar Thoma Margam, Ed. A Mekkattukunnel, Vadavathoor 2012, pp. 71-72.
[7] Koonammakkal, T., (2012b), “Elements of Syro-Malabar Church History”, Beth Aprem Nazrani Dayra, Dukrana 2012.
[8] Ross, I. J. (1979), “Ritual and Music in South India: Syrian Christian liturgical music in Kerala”, Asian Music, vol. 11, 1979.
[9] Katz, N., (2005), “The Historical Traditions of the Jews of Kochi Studies in History September 2005 21: 127-147.
[10] Tomber, R. “Indo-Roman Trade: From Pots to Pepper”, Duckworth 2008.
[11] Vadakkekara, B. (2007), “Origin of Christianity in India: A Historiographical Critique”, Media House Delhi, 2007.
[12] Thaliath, J., (1958) “The Synod of Diamper”, Pont. Institutum Orientalium Studiorum, 1958.
[13] Menon, A. S. (1967), “Kerala Charithram” — Kottayam, 1967.
[14] Malekkandathil, P., (2007) “Saint Thomas Christians: A historical analysis of their origin and development up to 9th century AD”, in “Saint Thomas Christians and Nambudiris and Jews and sangam literature, A Historical Appraisal” LRC Publications 2007, Ed. Bosco P.
[15] Narayanan, M.G.S. (2002), “Further Studies in the Jewish Copper Plates of Cochin” Indian Historical Review January/July 2002 29: 66-76.
[16] Pathikulangara V. (2009) “Holy Qurbana: A Pictorial Journey”, English version of Parishudha Qurbana Chithrangaliloode, in Malayalam by His Grace, Mar Joseph Perumthottam, Metropolitan Archbishop of Changanaseri, Denha Services 69, Kottayam, 2009.
[17] Casson, L., (1990) “New Light on Maritime Loans: P. Vindob G 40822″, aus: Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 84 (1990) 195–206.
[18] Katz, N., Goldberg, E., S., (1993) “The last Jews of Cochin: Jewish identity in Hindu India”, University of South Carolina Press, 1993.
[19] Rouwhorst, G., (1997) “Jewish Liturgical Traditions in Early Syriac Christianity” (1997), Vigiliae Christianae, Vol. 51, No. 1. (Mar., 1997), pp. 72-93.
[20] Mundadan, M., (2007) “The Jews in Kerala: A Response”, in: Bosco Puthur, ed., St. Thomas Christians and Nambudiris, Jews and Sangam Literature: A Historical Appraisal, Kochi: LRC Publications No. 7, Kochi: LRC, 2007, pp. 142-150.
[21] Marks, G., (2010), “Encyclopedia of Jewish Food”, John Wiley & Sons, 2010
[22] Blue, L., (2009) “Boats, Routes and Sailing Conditions of Indo-Roman Trade” The British Association for South Asian Studies. The British Academy, London.
[23] Geddes, M. (1694) “The History of the Church of Malabar together with the Synod of Diamper”, Sam. Smith and Benj. Walford, London.
[24] Thomas, K. M, (2008) “The identity question of Malankara Nazaranies: A study based on Niranam Grandhavari 1708-1815″, PhD thesis in Social Sciences, accessed from http://www.mgutheses.in, 26 December 2010.Kurmankan J. (1944), Southists and Northists (Malayalam), Alappuzha, 1944.
[25] Appassery, G., (2006) “Qnay-Thoma and Kaldaya Qurbana: Critical Evaluation”, The Harp , Vo. 21., 2006.
[26] Selvakumar, V., Shajan K.P., Tomber R. (2009) “Archaeological Investigations at Pattanam, Kerala: New Evidence for the Location of Ancient Muziris”. The British Association for South Asian Studies, The British Academy, London.

1. 1. This is a topic of debate as factions of Nasranis create their own versions for justifying their allies or obedience with the external Churches. Syro-Malabarians claim that it was against the Jesuits only and portray that their Church was always in communion with the Church of Rome through the East Syrian Church. Churches derived from Puthenkoor faction (new party) holds the view that the oath was against the Church Rome and thus Pope. This topic is beyond the scope of this paper and the author leaves it for the discretion of the reader.
2. 2. Since there are indications for trade links between South India and Israel from the time of King Solomon, the possibilities for the existence of Jewish communities in Kerala cannot be ruled out. See Section 4.1 for detailed discussion.
3. 3. [Menon 1967] discusses that Buddhism was the primary or one of the major religions of Kerala in the first century. After the Kalinga war of Emporer Ashoka the Great in BC 260-218, Buddhist religion has spread within and beyond kingdom of Ashoka. Kerala is mentioned in one of the edicts of Ashoka as Kingdom of “Kerobotra”. Therefore it is reasonable to believe the missionaries of Ashoka might have propagated Buddhism in Kerala and we could assume that that there were people who followed Buddhism in Kerala in the first century. The traditions of Hindu communities in the present in the Kerala attributes a lot to the old Buddhist traditions which were prevalent before the Arianisation of Kerala (circa between 5th to 9th century). An example is the cult of Ayyappa in Sabarimala, which is believed to have been a Buddhist temple.
4. 4. Jainism also like in the case of Buddhism had deep root in Kerala in the early centuries. Koodal Manikyam temple is considered as one of the several Jain temples converted later into Hindu temple [Menon 1967].
5. 5. Vedic religion here refers to the religion of Brahmins. There is a tradition among Nasranis that St Thomas converted Nampoothiris near the pool in Palayoor while they were conducting sun-worshipping rituals. According to MGS Narayanan [2002] and many other scholars the migration of Nampoothiris to Kerala happened by 6th century or later. Considering this, author proposes that it might not the ancestors of current Nampoothiris community who accepted Christianity in the first century, but
   some other community who worship sun, whose importance was not significant like the present-day Brahmins. It could be the traders from Persia who in fact followed Zorostrianism or another branch of a sun-worshipping religion. The word Nampoothiri might have been added at a later time. Further Malekandathil [2007] is of the opinion that there were micro communities of Brahmins, who conducted in religious rituals for Kings. Based on this, author proposes that a number of Vedic religions or some forms of sun-worshipping communities were present in Kerala in the first century, which later might have called themselves as Nampoothiris.
6. 6. In the first century, the caste system was not established in Kerala. Considering this, there is no reason to rule out the possibility of St Thomas to converting people from tribal religions of Kerala.
7. 7. Existence of Yavanas can be found from Sangam liturature. The word ‘Yavana’ refers to Greeks or Romans. The traditional belief is that St Thomas arrived in the ancient port Muziris. The existence of Yavana communities can be proved with the help of archaeological evidence. Since a number of ancient Christian centres of Nasranis were located near Kodungallur (Muziris), it is not logical to think that St. Thomas excluded some communities during his missionary work. Further Malekandathil [2007] proposes that possibility of Yavanas accepting Christianity in the first century could not be ruled out.
8. 8.The invalid Synod of Diamper does not mention anything about the Pesaha celebration. This is probably due to its private nature. The Latin missionaries or the Portuguese might not have had any information about the Pesaha since it was always celebrated at homes. Fearing the inquisition chambers of Portuguese, Nasranis might have celebrated the Pesaha in secrecy. Portuguese introduced several action points in the Synod to wipe of the practices that are similar to that of Jews (see Section 6.9 for further details).
9. 9. The word “Appam“ probably derived from Syriac verb Apya (Apo in West Syriac). Interestingly, all traditional breads used by the Nasranis end with the word Appam (Kallappam, Paalappam, Achappam, Cheppappam, Neyyappam, Unniyappam etc.), whereas the most popular traditional food of South India is called Dosa, Iddaly, Upma, Puttu etc
10. 10. The Pesaha meal of Nasranis does not include a bitter drink, but on the Passion Friday at the Church, drinking of bitter juice is still observed.
11. 11. Passion week is a week of alms-giving for Nasranis needy people are helped with food or money depending on the requirement
12. 12. Many scholars pointed out similar words in Tamil and Hebrew (for peacocks, apes, ivory etc.) and this argued that Ophir even might have located in South India. Mundadan [2007] has recently criticised the parallel existence of these words and thus the possibility of Jewish settlements in the Malabar Coast in the first century. He opposed the hypothesis with the help of Jerome Biblical Commentary. Author thinks that this topic needs further study by a linguistic expert with the help of authentic references written in Hebrew or Aramaic.
13. 13. The arrival date of Thomas of Cana in 345 AD is questionable. It is beyond the scope of this paper to discuss this topic here. Refer the works of Kurmankan (1944), Thomas (2008) and Appassery (2006) for more details.

• Palm Sunday ( Kuruthola Perunnal), Maundy Thursday( Pesaha), Good Friday (Dukha Velli) and Easter among Saint Thomas Christians of India
• ‘St. Thomas Christians and Nambudiris, Jews and Sangam Literature – A Historical Appraisal’, Bosco Puthur (Editor)
• Some of the traditions and rituals among the Syrian Christians of Kerala
• ‘The St. Thomas Christian Encyclopaedia of India’- Volume II , Chief Editor Prof.George Menachery
• ‘The Syrian Christians of Kerala, Demographic and Socio-Economic Transition In The Twentieth Century’ by K. C. Zachariah
• Letters of St. Thomas the Apostle to Edessa from India
• ‘East of the Euphrates- Early Christianity in Asia’ by T.V. Philip

I. Agrarian Surplus, Banking and the Evolving Christian Middle Class

The St.Thomas Christians, who were often depicted in the Portuguese documents as the principal spice-producers in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, emerged as the dominant social group in the agrarian sector of Travancore by the second half of the nineteenth century. During the period between 1850 and 1900, there occurred a large scale migration under the leadership of St.Thomas Christians to the central upland parts of Kerala, particularly to the slopes of small hills and hillocks, which were till then uninhabited for want of sufficient labour force to clear their bushes and trees. One of the major reasons that triggered the migration process was the unprecedented increase in the Christian population thanks to the rise in the birth-rate followed by decrease in the death-rate. In Travancore their number increased from 174566 in 1836 as per the account of William Henry Horsely¹ to 287409 by 1891².

However Travancore did not have enough cultivated land to accommodate and feed the extra population of one lakh St.Thomas Christians. Hence they were compelled to move towards the forest land in the hilly slopes and terrains of mid-upland parts of central Kerala for the purpose of extension of agriculture, particularly spice-cultivation. Because of the relatively thick forest , whose clearance needed labour force other than domestic labour, people did not dare to extend agriculture to these terrains till then. However, by this time there occurred a chain of developments in Travancore, which helped to create sufficient labour force needed for large scale clearance of forest land and hilly slopes of mid-upland parts of central Kerala. This labour class was constructed out of the slaves liberated by Travancorean government in 1855. In fact the slaves were liberated not because of the love towards them, but also for the purpose of ensuring labour force required for plantation sector and for commercially oriented cultivation activities of the British. By liberating the slaves, the labour force till then enjoyed only by a few aristocratic families for generations, was released and was made available in the open market. Using these liberated slaves, the emerging affluent section tried to reclaim backwaters and create paddy cultivating space in Kuttanadu area and spice cultivating terrains in midland Kerala³.

Since the liberated slaves had no expertise or knowledge to do any other type of job and moreover they found it extremely difficult to get adjusted to the new crisis situation arising out of the sudden deprival of accommodation and food, which they had been enjoying earlier as slaves, made them collaborate with the migrant agriculturists in expanding cultivation to the hill slopes of midland Kerala to overcome problem of poverty and accommodation-deficiency. The migrant agriculturists started setting up a long chain of agrarian villages with the help of the labour force supplied by the liberated slaves.

With the help of freed slaves the Christian agricultural entrepreneurs reclaimed marshy land and portions of backwaters for the purpose of extending rice cultivation in Kuttanadu area and several new Christian settlements were set up in the newly reclaimed land, which soon became major centers of wealth accumulation. On the one hand there were the new agrarian villages that came up in Kuttanadu area like Thayankary ( 1864), Mithrakary( 1869), Puthukary( 1869), Kavalam (1869), Karuvatta(1874), Punnapra( 1892)⁴ ; on the other hand a large number of agrarian villages of St.Thomas Christians came up in mid-upland parts of Kerala like Arpookara( 1852), Koothrappally( 1874), Ayarkunnam( 1885), Thuruthy( 1885), Payippadu( 1887), Cheruvandoor( 1889), Vettimukal( 1894)⁵. The movement of St.Thomas Christians to the bushy upland regions, forests and hill-slopes for spice cultivation led to the establishment of agrarian villages in places like Plasnal( 1848), Vilakkumadam( 1849), Kuruvinal( 1862)Palayam( 1864), Thidanadu( 1865) Edamattam( 1869) , Kanjirathanam( 1869), Mannarappara(1871) Kakkoor( 1881), Edappady(1884) Poovathode( 1887) , Kudakkachira( 1888) Chittar( 1890), Anthyalam( 1891), Maniyamkunnu( 1891) Poovarani( 1891), Mutholappuram( 1892), Kaveekunnu( 1893) , Kunnonni( 1893), Kurumannu( 1893) , Neeranthanam(1897), Pizhaku(1897), Mattakkara( 1898), Ullanadu(1898) and Karur( 1899)⁶. These places became the major production centres for a variety of spices including pepper, ginger, turmeric and lemon grass .

It is almost during the same period that the agriculturist segment of S.Thomas Christians started migrating to the upland regions near Kanjirappally including Anikadu (1869) , Thamarakunnu (1891), Ponkunnam(1891), Manimala (1892), Elangulam (1896), Kottangal (1901), Elikulam (1908) and Thambalakkadu(1912) on the one side⁷ and on the other side to Peringuzha(1864), Kaloor(1882), Arikuzha(1889), Vazhakulam(1895), Ayavana(1895), Kaloorkad (1898) in the east near Muvattupuzha⁸.

Most of these tracks of land brought newly under cultivation were not actually forest area from the beginning; but were once upon a time property of various principality chieftains , local rulers, karthas and kaimals, which were attached to the Travancore state as its property (Pandaravaka ) by Marthanda Varma during his northward conquest during the period between 1742 and 1752 after having killed the original owners. These newly attached tracks of land as state property (Pandaravaka) remained unattended to for almost a century causing bushes and trees to grow in these paces as in a forest and it was into these terrains that the St.Thomas Christians started moving from 1850s onwards for extending agricultural activities with the help of liberated slaves. The Pattom Proclamation made by the Travancore state in 1865 conceded that the holders and cultivators of Panadaravaka land (land belonging to Travancore state)could exercise full ownership right over the land they held and cultivated and could buy or sell such land as any private property⁹. This in fact gave an unprecedented stimulus to the St. Thomas Christians to move towards the uncultivated state land of Travancore .

The process of carving out of agrarian villages with the help of freed slaves out of the uninhabited terrains by the Christian entrepreneurial agriculturists happened in the kingdom of Cochin as well. Thus we find many new Christian agrarian settlements emerging in places like Chakkarakadavu( 1862),Melur(1865), Thuravoor( 1874), Kadukutty (1876), Nedungattu( 1880) , Chunangamvely (1880), Kuzhippilly( 1881), Mukkandoor( 1884), Kaippattoor( 1886), Kuttipuzha( 1899) , Mattoor( 1900) and Pulluvazhy(1905)¹⁰. Meanwhile the attempts to reclaim backwaters and low lying water-logged areas for cultivation by the St.Thomas Christians led to the formation of such agrarian villages like Ezhupunna(1859), Kavil( 1865), Kothavara(1870), Kulasekharamangalam(1877), Panavally( 1878), Uzhuva( 1879), Chaly( 1891), Kunnumpuram( 1892) and Kokkamangalam (1900)¹¹. The liberated slaves who supplied considerable labour force to the St.Thomas Christians in their attempts for extending agriculture, principally spice cultivation in these places, were eventually absorbed into these evolving agrarian villages by giving them small plots of land (often ranging between 5 to 10 cents) and getting them converted into Christianity or even otherwise. This in fact served as the crude economic base of the developments that finally took the liberated slaves to mainstream societal processes of modern Kerala. By 1936 there were about 5734 Christian families with 25, 446 members, formed out of the liberated slaves in and around Pala, Changanacherry and Kanjirappally¹².

The mid-upland terrains near Trichur like Mullasserry(1854), Engandiyoor( 1856), Kandannoor( 1856),Cherppu( 1855), Eranellur(1861), Chengaloor(1870), Mundoor(1871), Chittalayam (1871), Kaloor( 1874), Puthusserry( 1875) Varantharappally(1875), Ayyanthole(1876), Pavaratty( 1877), Thiroor( 1878), Arimboor( 1881), Kanjani(1882), Vayilathoor(1882), Edakkulam( 1882), Trichur( 1885), Porathoor(1886), Chowannur(1892), Erumapetty ( 1893), Peramangalam(1894), Manaloor( 1894) and Vadanappilly( 1896) also experienced the formation of agrarian settlements thanks to the entry of St.Thomas Christians for extending agriculture over there.¹³ . The central part of the erstwhile kingdom of Cochin located along the banks of river Chalakudy and its branches also witnessed the emergence of several Christian agrarian settlements during this period corresponding to the increasing participation of the Christians in primary production. The newly formed Christian agrarian pockets like Kallettumkara(1861), Oorakam (1867), Kaipamangalam(1871), Mathilakam(1872), Aloor(1872), Karanchira(1873), Avittathur(1878), Cheloor(1880), Irinjalakuda(1881), Poyya(1890), Chendraponni(1895) and Kundur(1897) soon became the principal centers of wealth accumulation during this period.

It is interesting here to note that most of these Christian agrarian settlements eventually became centres of immense wealth accumulation. The Church leaders of the St.Thomas Christians resorted to various economic programmes under the aegis of parish churches by which a considerable chunk of this wealth was to be kept aside and channelized for further productive ventures like chitty and kuries without letting it to be spent in these villages. The members of this community were taught the lessons of thrift and the necessity of investing in profitable ventures for the purpose of generating enough resources to sustain the community against the background of its ongoing resistance to the Lusitanization and cultural colonialism thrust upon them by the Portuguese and the European form of Church administration. Fr Thomas Paremakkel, the governor of the diocese of Cranganore, had instructed as early as 1787 that all the churches should invest their surplus wealth in productive and profit-generating ventures so that the churches might remain self-reliant without depending on foreign help¹⁴. The long and stiff resistance of this community to the cultural colonialism of the Europeans was realized only because this community did not often depend on the money and resources provided by the Europeans; but instead generated enough resources from within using the economic institutions of chitty and kuries run under the supervision of parish churches of the St.Thomas Christians. In many places banks of different character and nature evolved out of such economic institutions.

Thiruvalla and Trichur became the heartland of banking business for the St.Thomas Christians. The Kandathil family of Thiruvalla( Manorama group), belonging to Malankara Orthodox Syrian Church had about 15 banks and the among the 42 scheduled banks of India, only Central Bank of India and Bank of India exceeded the Travancore National and Quilon Bank of Kandathil family in the volume of business in 1937. The Ambalapuzha Christian Bank founded by Chandy Vaidyan of Edathua was another leading bank of the St.Thomas Christians in the south. The Lourdes Catholic church in Trichur was the pioneer to introduce the church sponsored kuri in the kingdom of Cochin. The Chaldean Christians of Trichur started the first bank called the Chaldean Syrian Bank in 1918. The Catholic St.Thomas Christians of Trichur under the Chakolas started the Catholic Syrian Bank in 1920 and later South Indian Bank (1929), which are even now the leading small-scale banks of India. Catholic Orient Bank(1922), Catholic Bank(1929) Malabar Bank(1929), Indian Insurance Banking Corporation (1933) and Kshemavialsom Bank were the other leading banks started by Chakola group and other Catholic St.Thomas Christians of Trichur. Pala Central Bank (1927), Forward Bank( 1929), Federal Bank (1931), Orient Central Bank, Cochin Bank, Travancore Midland Bank(1944) formed the other leading banks of central Kerala , which were founded or sustained by Catholic St.Thomas Christians for a long period of time. The wealth flow from the newly formed agrarian villages of the St.Thomas Christians of mid-upland Kerala and the surplus from their commercial activities kept banking sector vibrant and active. In 1953 Trichur having 19 registered offices of banks stood second in position in India, while Calcutta, which had the largest number of registered offices had only 21. Majority of these 19 banks of Trichur were started and managed by the St.Thomas Christians of different denominations¹⁵.

Meanwhile some enterprising St.Thomas Christians under the leadership of Vallikkattil, Karikulam and Murikkummoottil families moved towards coastal areas for reclaiming backwaters for extending rice-cultivation. A large space of backwaters having the depth of about 7-8 feet was encircled by bunds and piles made of coconut timber and mud, and the water inside the bund was pumped out with water wheels and then cultivation was done on a large scale under the leadership of Murikkummoottil Thomman Joseph. About 17500 acres of land was thus reclaimed by these Christian families in Kuttanadu for the sake of rice cultivation, when the entire nation was starving because of the dearth of provisions caused by first and second world wars¹⁶.

The active participation of this Christian community in the commercial and banking sector fetched for them immense wealth, which they ably invested in further productive ventures. In 1925 when the Nair Act was passed by Travancore state allowing the Nair taravad property to get fragmented, divided and sold, it was the St.Thomas Christians who purchased a major chunk of land from the Nairs when they fragmented their property and sold it¹⁷. Thus during the period between 1920 and 1930 when Nairs sold land worth Rs.8, 40, 10, 717, the St.Thomas Christians bought land worth the value of Rs. 6,06,97,547¹⁸. A good many of the St.Thomas Christians also moved towards plantation sector and eventually they turned out to be a significant moneyed middle class in the evolving capitalistic economy. In 1931 when economic census was taken along with demographic census, it was Meenachil taluk, having greatest concentration of St.Thomas Christians, that stood first in Kerala on the basis of per-capita (Rs. 3259), while Kottayam, Thodupuzha, Ambalapuzha, Thiruvalla, Changanacherry and Muvattupuzha, which are the other core areas of St.Thomas Christian settlements, occupied the other succeeding positions¹⁹.

Indigenization of the Church and Educational Endeavours

Along with the material reorientation happening among the members of the St.Thomas Christian community, we find this community undergoing radical social and institutional changes from within. It was only by the end of the 19th century that the Catholic St.Thomas Christians started getting their own dioceses as well as indigenous bishops. With the erection of two Apostolic Vicariates (Trichur and Kottayam)for the Catholic St.Thomas Christians in 1887, this community got a chance for the first time to move towards an independent Church structure under Pope. It is interesting to note that the seats of these two Apostolic Vicariates were located in Trichur and Kottayam , which happened to be the core areas where wealth from the newly formed Christian agrarian villages in Central Kerala flowed in an unprecedented way, which in turn sustained the multi-layered activities that Church took up in the succeeding period.

Bishop Adolf Medlycott and Bishop Charles Levinge , the Apostolic Vicars of Trichur and Kottayam respectively, chalked out several programmes for channelizing the wealth accruing in Christian agrarian villages for socially and educationally empowering the community. One of the important areas that they focused on was the sector of education. Till then the authorities of the Church administrative systems of Padroado and Propaganda Fide, under whose rule the members of this community were subjugated for centuries, did not allow the Catholic St.Thomas Christians to go for English education fearing that through English education protestant ideas would get disseminated among the members of this community. However the Jacobite segment of the St.Thomas Christians had established several educational institutions thanks to their connections with the Anglican (CMS) missionaries and several of them got good employment and governmental positions, which the Catholic St.Thomas Christians unfortunately missed for a long span of time. It was Chavara Kuriakose Elias, the founder of CMI order who took initiative to introduce modern English education among this community in 1863. In 1891 while CMS had 164 schools with 3879 boys as well as 1031 girls and LMS had about 438 teachers to teach in their educational institutions, the Catholics had only one college , one high school and 54 parish schools for entire Kerala²⁰.

When Bishops Charles Levinge and Adolf Medlycott sent circulars to establish schools under parish churches , the response was highly positive. Many parish churches that could mobilize resources from agrarian and commercial sectors came forward to erect schools of different grades and levels. The most important among them were Enammavu( 1885), Elthuruthu( 1886), Kottapady( 1887), Trichur( 1889), Chevoor( 1890), Palliserry(1890) , Manaloor( 1892) and Valappadu( 1893) in Trichur area²¹ and Changanacherry( 1891), Edathua( 1895) and Pulinkunnu( 1898) near Changanachery area²².

The indigenous bishops of Trichur, Ernakulam and Changanacherry , who started leading this community from 1896 onwards gave utmost importance to educational activities²³. Consequently during the period between 1900 and 1935 about 192 schools were established under the diocese of Changanacherry, besides the TTI of Vazhappally(1911) and St. Berchman’s College of Changanacherry(1922)²⁴ . During this period Kottayam diocese had established 36 schools²⁵, while its number in Pala region was 93²⁶. In the present-day diocese of Kothamangalam about 52 schools were started during this period out of which the schools of Nedungapra (1925), Mudappannnoor (1926),Thazhavumkunnu (1929), Madakkathanam (1929), Chilavu(1929) and Ramalloor (1934) were started even much before the establishment of parish churches in these places²⁷. During the period between 1900 and 1935 about 106 schools were started in the diocese of Ernakulam²⁸, while the number of schools started in the diocese of Trichur during this time was equally significant.St. Thomas College of Trichur(1919) was the first higher educational institution set up by the Catholic St.Thomas Christians²⁹

Soon the leadership of this community passed from the European missionaries to Indian bishops, who issued circulars that there should be at least one school under every parish church. The wealth generated from the agrarian expansion and stimulated trade was collected at the level of parish churches and primary schools were erected in every smaller agrarian villages and upper primary schools in semi urban areas and finally high schools in centres of intense Catholic concentration. It was in these schools that the children of the freed slaves had their education, as in other schools caste discrimination still continued. Most of the dalit leaders of Kerala of these days had done their education in such schools. In some places schools were erected much more before the establishment of parish churches, which is suggestive of the priority that this community gave to education at this point of time.

With the establishment of Syro-Malabar Hierarchy in 1923 this community got a concrete institutional and ecclesiological format³⁰. Most of the bishops who led this Church from 1896 happened to be from an agrarian background, as a result of which they could address effectively the agrarian segment of this community and get the agrarian surplus of their major centres easily channelized for erecting educational institutions with the purpose of empowering this community. Interestingly the religious women congregations that were founded during this time, like Congregation of the Mother of Carmel(1866) , Franciscan Clarist Congregation( 1888), Sisters of Adoration of the Blessed Sacrament(1908), Sacred Heart sisters(1914) had developed teaching as one of their major charisms and activities. Most of these congregations either started their own schools or got their members trained for teaching apostolate, which in turn is indicative of the importance that the Church leaders had then given to the mission of educating the poor and the peripheralized³¹. The elements of enlightenment and the radiance of knowledge that got disseminated from these schools played not an insignificant role in the shaping of modern Kerala.

Hospitals and Health Care

Health care sector form an important area where the St.Thomas Christians made sizeable contribution. The establishment of dispensaries in medium size settlements and relatively bigger hospitals with treatment facilities of English medicine in larger centres became regular feature after 1920s. By 1920s there began increasing availability and use of English medicine, experimented, tested and found effective in the First world war(1914-18) and the Catholic Church of Kerala ably carried these medicines and medical knowledge to the interior parts , particularly to the newly formed agrarian villages. The English medicines were used as effective remedies in most of the newly formed agrarian villages not only to prevent but also to fight against many of the fatal diseases. Soon health care and medical service became the second most important activity of the Church in Kerala. Even the newly started women Religious Congregations like Sisters of the Destitute(1927), Sisters of St .Joseph( 1928), Medical Sisters of St.Joseph(Dharmagiri-1944), Sisters of Charity( 1944), Assisi Sisters of Mary Immaculate(1949) have medical care and nursing of the sick and the destitute as their principal activities. Many hospitals like Lisie (Ernakulam), Jubilee(Trichur), Pushpagiri(Tiruvalla), Dharmagiri(Kothamangalam), Little Flower(Angamaly) etc .,were started in Kerala during this period either by the members of these congregations or by diocesan authorities with the help of religious sisters who got trained in health care and nursing. Out of them Jubilee and Pushpagiri have now become medical colleges with Post graduate study centres. Many of the dispensaries and hospitals thus started in central Kerala by the Church, as centres of English medicine, helped a lot to save the lives of thousands of poor and marginalized people, particularly those of the agricultural migrants at a time when malaria and other tropical diseases were rampant in the region³². In fact it was these medical institutions that have sustained the health of Malayalees in central Kerala, causing them to evolve and operate as the foundational base of the famous Kerala model of Development.

Social Assertion Movements and Freedom Struggle.

The St.Thomas Christians formed an important social segment that often took lead or active part in social assertion movements and freedom struggle in Kerala. The leaders of this community played a vital role in the preparation of Malayalee Memorial of 1891³³. The St.Thomas Christian leaders like Nidhirikkal Mani Kathanar and Nidhirikkal Cyriac took lead role along with K.P.Padmanabha Menon and G.P.Pillai³⁴. Malayalee Memorial was a petition signed and submitted to the ruler of Travancore by the members of Nair, Christian and Ezhava communities against the over-preference being given to Tamil Brahmins in the appointment for Governmental jobs and the discrimination being meted out against the members of other communities. The Tamil Brahmins who formed less than 2% of the total population, occupied the principal jobs of Travancore since the northward expansion of Travancore in 1740s and 1750s. In 1891 the non-Malayali Brahmins held 1035 Governmental jobs in Travancore having the salary between Rs 10 and 50 and 101 jobs above Rs.50 . While the Christians of various denominations in Travancore, in spite of their demographic strength of having more than 20% of the population got only 95 jobs with the salary between Rs.10 and 50 and 21 jobs with salary above Rs.50³⁵. It was Nidhirikkal Manikathanar and Cyriac Nidhirikkal who mobilized the St. Thomas Christians with the demand for equal share in the governmental jobs, the struggles for realizing which are often equated to be the beginning phase of freedom struggle in Kerala. For the purpose of mobilizing support for these struggles, Nidhirikkal Manikathanar started two dailies Nazrani Deepika(1887) and Malayala Manorama (1888); however later Malayala Manorama passed into the control of a trust related to Kandathil family³⁶.

Meanwhile the St.Thomas Christians also joined the Muslims and Ezhavas for fighting for equal job opportunities and representation in democratic bodies. Following the establishment of large number of Christian schools in different parts of Travancore, the number of Christians having better education and knowing English language got increased. In 1911 among the Christians who formed 31.51% of total population of Travancore, about 10129 were literate with knowledge in English language³⁷. Meanwhile the Nayars who formed 17.13% of the population had only 5446 English literates. In 1921 the number of the English literates among the Christians rose to 24059, which further went up to 27196 in 1931. Meanwhile the number of English literates among the Nairs was only 24059 in 1921, which rose to 18606 in 1931. Even though the Christians were numerically large and educationally far advanced they got only 3537 Government jobs(17.36% of the total appointments) by 1932, while the Nairs had 10585 government jobs (51.94% of the total jobs). The Ezhavas who formed 17.13% of the population had only 3.86 % of the Government jobs(787), while the Muslims who formed 6.94% of population had only 2.14% of jobs(436)³⁸. This was the background against which the St. Thomas Christians started clamouring for equal civic rights and equal job opportunities, for which they also sought the help of the Ezhavas and the Muslims.

The leaders of the St.Thomas Christians, Ezhavas and Muslims formed a League in 1918 for Equal Civil Rights to struggle for opening up all branches of Government service to all castes and communities. As Land Revenue Department, that provided the maximum jobs in Travancore, had also the responsibility to look into the matters of Devaswam, only Hindus could get jobs in this department. Hence the St.Thomas Christian leaders demanded the separation of Devaswam from the Land Revenue Department, so that non-Hindus might get selected for jobs in revenue department, as well. The separation of Devaswam from Revenue finally took place in 1922, following which Christians, Muslims and untouchables started getting jobs in Revenue department. It was against this background that for the first time a Christian , that too a Catholic – Morris Watt by name- was appointed as the Dewan of Travancore(1925)³⁹.

It was during the period between 1920 and 1936 that the St.Thomas Christians began to enter on a large number into Kerala ‘s politics. One among them was Barrister George Joseph, who as the convenor of Anti-Untouchable Committee of Indian National Congress, initiated Vaikkom Satyagraha in 1924. Under his leadership the satyagrahis demanded that the temple of Vaikkom should be kept open for lower castes. However later he was compelled to keep a low profile in the movement because of the intervention from Gandhi, who told him that Christian participation in issues related temple entry might be misinterpreted⁴⁰. The leadership of Vaikom Satyagraha taken away from Barrister George Joseph was later given to T.K.Madhavan and K.P.Kesava Menon, for which T.K. Ravindran later criticizes the attitude of Gandhiji⁴¹. Despite this development, it must be specially noted that many Christians continued to participate in the Vaikom Satygraha along with Muslims.⁴²

It was principally through their participation in Abstention Movement often known as Nivarthana Prasthana that the St. Thomas Christians entered the domain of political leadership of Kerala. It was the feeling that the members of this community, who were intellectually enlightened through advanced education and economically empowered by way of their participation in the sectors of agriculture , plantation, banking and business were not given due representation in the Legislative Council of Travancore and due share of governmental jobs in Travancore that took them to active politics and freedom struggle. By 1935-6 there were about 514 graduate and post-graduate Catholic candidates in the St.Thomas Christian pockets of Changanacherry, Pala and Kanjirappally⁴³. The number of graduate and post-graduate Catholics in and around Ernakulam, Kothamangalam, Thodupuzha and Muvattupuzha was 249 for this period⁴⁴. The fact that these highly qualified Catholics did not get the jobs they deserved nor due representation in the democratic bodies of the state which they were eligible for made the St.Thomas Christians resort to the chain of strikes and to fight politically against the Travancorean state, which in fact formed the matrix of freedom struggle in Kerala .

The All Kerala Catholic Congress(AKCC), which had evolved by this time as the voice of the community , took up the leadership of this chain of struggles in the major settlements of the St.Thomas Christians. The roots of AKCC can be traced back to Nazrani Jathi Aikya Sangham which was started in 1866 at Mannanam; but later it began to operate using the platform of the print media Nazrani Deepika and around its readers⁴⁵. In 1905 Nidhirikkal Manikathanar founded Katholica Mahajanasabha out of Nazrani Jathi Aikya Sangham and gave shape to an organization out of which the present-day AKCC later got evolved. From 1907 onwards it came to be called Samooha Sammelanam and in 1918 it was renamed at Changanacherry as Keraliya Katholica Mahajanasabha⁴⁶. In the session held at Chertalai in 1930 its name was again changed into All Kerala Catholic Congress(AKCC). The AKCC, which mobilized people for the struggles against Travancore state during the time of Nivarthana Prasthana, served as a platform for many St.Thomas Christians to get into the Indian national movement. Since 1918 , when Equal Civil Rights movement was launched , both the Catholic and the Jacobite segments of the St.Thomas Christians used to make their political struggles and ventures jointly. The working committee president of Civil Rights League was John Chandy. Adv.E.J John came to the forefront of politics and freedom struggle of Travancore as a member of this political body⁴⁷.

One of the topmost leaders from the St.Thomas Catholic community mobilizing its members for the freedom movement of Travancore during this period was M.M. Varkey. From 1924 onwards the St.Thomas Christians , particularly the Catholic segments under the inspiration of M.M. Varkey visited frequently both the king Sree Moolam and later the regent Queen demanding that Catholics should get equal job opportunities as the Nairs were then having and that they should get due share of representation in the democratic bodies. The four page news bulletin by name Kerala Dasan was the main literary weapon that Varkey resorted to for reaching out to the larger Catholic population preparing them for the chain of political struggles against the Travancorean government. . In 1924 , when the first issue of Kerala Dasan was published there was no Catholic employee in any of the highest key governmental positions⁴⁸. With the increasing demand from the Kerala Dasan for governmental jobs for Catholics, the Travancorean government forbade the publication of this news-letter. However with the ban on Kerala Dasan , Varkey did not sit quite; in its stead he started two publications by name Dasan and Yuvabharati reiterating the same demands. He exhorted the Catholics, Ezhavas and the Muslims to join hands together and to fight against the Brahminical and Nair domination in the governmental jobs of Travancore. The political and social leaders like T.K. Madhavan and N. Kumaran extended liberal support to the demands of Varkey. In 1926 Varkey was arrested and put behind the bars by the Travancorean government for having written and circulated the article titled “Live and let live”. Later Varkey wrote in his autobiography Ormakaliloode that it was the Nairs, who got upset on his arguments for equal governmental position for the Catholics, that maneuvered behind the curtains for his arrest and imprisonment⁴⁹.

The moment M.M. Varkey came to know of vacancies in the public service of Travancore, he demanded that the share of the Catholic community should be immediately given. During this period the pamphlet titled “ The Public Service of Travancore and the Catholic Claims” and authored by Varkey was distributed all over the kingdom and the Dewan Morris Watt was surprised to see the amount of discussion this pamphlet had then generated in Travancore. He says” wherever I go I see only the book ‘Catholic Claims” and whoever I meet they talk about the ‘Catholic Claims’. Who is the author of this ‘Catholic Claims?”⁵⁰ One of the major results emerging out of the chain of struggles initiated by Varkey and the like minded people was the appointment of a St.Thomas Christian (Catholic) – Barrister Joseph Thaliyath- as the Judge of Travancore High Court⁵¹; thanks to these developments many other Catholics were also eventually absorbed into the governmental services of this kingdom.

It was in continuation of this chain of struggles, which ultimately merged into freedom struggle that one has to look into the Nivarthana Prasthana (Abstention Movement) started in 1932. ‘The Legislative Council’ that Travancore introduced in 1888 was the first democratic legislative institution in India set up with the backing of a law. Later in 1904 Sree Moolam Popular Assembly was also established . The events leading to the Nivarthana Prasthana commenced in 1931 , when the new ruler BalaramaVarma introduced new voting criteria for both the Sree Moolam Popular Assembly and Legislative Council, consequent to which the Christians and the Ezhavas did not get adequate share of representation in the Legislative Council⁵². The Travancore State Catholic Congress submitted a memorial to the ruler of Travancore in 1932 requesting him to reserve seats to the Legislative Council on the basis of demographic strength⁵³.

Though the Christians formed 27% of the people who then paid an amount of more than Rs.100 as tax, they were given only 4 seats in the Legislative Council of 1931, while the Nairs were given 15 seats⁵⁴. The Christians, who had by this time amassed sizeable wealth and evolved as a significant middle class by way of their participation in agricultural activities, banking business, chitties and kuries, felt that it was a discrimination against them and denial of political and civil rights that they deserved. The Travancore Latin Christian Mahajana Sabha and the Travancore State Catholic Congress submitted separate “memorials” to the king to redress their grievances. They demanded apportion of seats in the legislature on the strength of population and adult franchise⁵⁵. All the Christians of Travancore joined hands together to give a shape to political scheme of actions under the banner of All Travancore Christian Political Conference and ensured the support of Ezhavas and Muslims for their chain of struggles initiated in 1932. E.J.John , who was the spokesperson of this association and N.V.Joseph who was the president of Travancore State Catholic Congress started arguing that denial of due political representation to the Christians in Legislative Council was done with a communal agenda⁵⁶.

On 17th December 1932, the representatives of Christian-Muslim and Ezhava community organizations under the leadership of A.J. John gave origin to All Travancore Joint Political Conference , which was the precursor of present-day Congress party of Kerala⁵⁷. The leaders of All Travancore Joint Political Conference decided to abstain from the elections and resort to non-co-operation till their grievances were redressed. This movement that started in 1932 and continued till 1936 is called Abstention Movement or Non-Co-operation movement and to indicate its distinction and difference from Gandhian non-Co-operation movement I.C.Chacko called it Nivarthana Prasthana. Abstention movement led by Christians was one of the most important political developments in Travancore that ultimately was made to become an integral part of freedom movement in Kerala⁵⁸. In fact the major leaders of freedom struggle of Kerala like A.J.John, T.M. Varghese , M.M. Varkey , N.V.Joseph , A.C. Kuriakose , Ezhava leaders like C.Kesavan, P.K. Kunju evolved out of the long chain of struggles connected with Abstention Movement.

Finally in 1937 the movement found results: A Public service Commission was constituted to ensure fair representation for backward communities in the public service and 40% of the jobs in the intermediate divisions were reserved for backward communities. Moreover the number of seats in Legislative Council was increased on the basis of the demographic strength of the community⁵⁹. The second result was that the franchise was widened and communal representation was introduced in the legislature. In the first election held in 1937 after the Abstention Movement the Travancore Joint Political Congress headed by the Christians obtained the absolute majority and T.M.Varghese was elected as the Deputy President, the highest office of the legislative Assembly⁶⁰.

The relatively dominant Christian presence in the leadership of the evolving State Congress made C.P.Ramaswamy Iyer, the Dewan of Travancore to accuse freedom struggle in Travancore as an effort of the communal party of Travancore Christians. His efforts to divide the people on communal grounds between the Christians and other communities intensified the heat of the last phase of freedom struggle in Travancore. The Christian leaders of State Congress like Mrs. Annie Mascarene, Akkamma Cherian, Rosamma Cherian, A.J.John, R.V.Thomas, P.J.Sebastian E.John Philipose, Elenjickal Thariathu Kunjithommen, P.T.Chacko, Elizabeth Kuruvilla , K.J. Varkey, K.M.Chandy etc.,were arrested and their entire property was confiscated by C.P. Ramaswamy Iyer for the purpose of nipping the bud of expanding nationalist movement in the state. Parallel to the mobilization done by State Congress, mammoth gatherings were organized all over Travancore by All Kerala Catholic Congress to put pressure on the autocratic state and to facilitate the introduction of democratic processes in Travancore and in one of such meetings in the ground of St.Thomas Church of Pala, about 3 lakh people participated⁶¹.

The foregoing discussion shows how the St.Thomas Christians, while defining their ecclesial character and ministries after the evolution as an independent Church under Pope, developed a set of activities and programmes that in turn helped to usher in various elements of modernity in Kerala. Though these Christians have got a historical past going back to the first century AD, their crystallization as an independent Church happened with the formation of different dioceses on the basis of ritual traditions to cater to their spiritual needs in the last decades of the nineteenth century and the consequent ecclesiastical formatting that happened in the twentieth century. The indigenous bishops heading these dioceses ably channelized the surplus getting accrued in the Christian agrarian villages to a variety of educational programmes and health-care projects, whose chief beneficiaries often were the peripheral and marginal segments of the society, besides the members of own community. The new Church leadership besides catering to the spiritual needs of the community took up educational activities and medical care endeavours as central mission of the Church and the schools, colleges , hospitals and dispensaries set up by the Church revolutionized the sectors of knowledge dissemination and health care in Kerala. The educational and medical advancements made through these institutions provided base for the famous Kerala model of development, which took new meanings and dimensions after independence. Meanwhile because of the long conflicts that this community had with the ecclesiastical institutions, devices and personalities thrust upon them from Europe, this community developed a very strong anti-European attitude and sentiment since 1520s, which in turn augmented the scale and intensity of national consciousness and pride among its members. These anti-European sentiments were intensely stimulated later and were eventually made to get merged into the mainstream National movements through their active participation in the social assertion movements and freedom struggle of Travancore. Any discourse on modernity in Kerala becomes unintelligible if the strand of educational, medical, economic and political activities of the St.Thomas Christians within the larger context is ignored and their role in the freedom struggle and the political making of Kerala is kept outside the range of study.

About the Author

Dr.Pius Malekandathil, Professor at Centre for Historical Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi hails from Muvattupuzha parish of Kothamangalam eparchy, Syro Malabar Church, Kerala. He has earlier worked as Lecturer in History, St. Thomas College, Pala, Reader in History at Goa University and Sree Sankaracharya University of Sanskrit, Kalady. He has authored Ten books and more than hundred articles in various international journals, seminars and publications. His areas of specialization include Indo-Portuguese History, Transmarine Trade, Maritime History of India, European Expansion and Urbanization in Asia, Socio-Economic History of Medieval India, Culture and State of South India, Studies in Indian Ocean Societies and Religion and Society in South Asia.

Some of Dr Pius Malekandathil’s publications are: The Germans, the Portuguese and India (1999); Portuguese Cochin and the Maritime Trade of India: 1500-1663 (2001); Jornada of D. Alexis Menezes: A Portuguese Account of the Sixteenth Century Malabar (2003); The Portuguese, The Portuguese and the Socio-Cultural Changes in India: 1500-1800 jointly edited with K.S. Mathew and Teotonio R. de Souza (2001); The Kerala Economy and European Trade jointly edited with K.S. Mathew (2003); Goa in the Twentieth Century: History and Culture jointly edited with Remy Dias (2008).

1. 1.W.H. Horsley, Memoir of Travancore, Historical and Statistical , compiled from Various Authentic Records and Personal Observations, Trivandrum ,1838 reproduced by Achuth Sankar S.Nair(ed.), “William Henry Horsley’s Memoir of Travancore(1838): Earliest English Treatise on the History of Travancore” , in Journal of Kerala studies, vol.XXXI, 2004, p.63. That there were 1,74,566 Syrian Christians in Travancore is derived by adding 56, 184 Catholic Syrians and 1,18,382 Syrians who were said to be then living in the kingdom of Travancore.
2. 2.This is the figure given in Travancore Memorial. See George Mathew, Communal Road to a Secular Kerala, New Delhi, 1989,p.52
3. 3. Selected Proclamations, pp.296-7; It is being generally held that the aggrestic slaves were liberated through the royal proclamation of slavery abolition so as to get sufficient work-force for plantations. S. Ramachandran Nair, Solcial Consequences of Agrarian Change, Jaipur, 1991, pp.23-4; Pius Malekandathil, “Sabha Adhunika Keralathinte Roopikaranathil”, p.27
4. 4.“Changanacherry Roopatha-Pallikal”, in Rakshaniya Valsaram 1937 le Vaidika Panchankam, Ernakulam, 1937, pp.7-14
5. 5.“Changanacherry Roopatha-Pallikal”, in Rakshaniya Valsaram 1937 le Vaidika Panchankam, Ernakulam, 1937, pp.7-14
6. 6.Ibid., pp.7-16
7. 7. Ibid., pp.7-13
8. 8.Ernakulam Athiroopatha-Pallikal”, in Rakshaniya Valsaram 1937 le Vaidika Panchankam, pp.1-4
9. 9. Administration Report, 1864-5, pp.28-30. The Pattam Proclamation enfranchised tenants of the state pattam and converted them into land-owners. However this reform was beneficial only to the upper strata in the society. S. Ramachandran Nair, Solcial Consequences of Agrarian Change, Jaipur, 1991, pp.20, 34
10. 10. Ibid., pp.1-3
11. 11. Ibid., pp.3-4
12. 12.Changanacherry Roopatha-Pallikal”, in Rakshaniya Valsaram 1937 le Vaidika Panchankam, pp.7-16
13. 13. “Thrisivaperoor Rooapatha –Pallikal” in Rakshaniya Valsaram 1937 le Vaidika Panchankam, pp.2-19
14. 14. Paremakkel Thommankathanar, Varthamanapusthakam., edited by Thomas Moothedan , Ernakulam, 1977, pp.324-6
15. 15. M.A.Oommen, “ Rise and Growth of Banking in Kerala” , Social Scientist, vol.V, No.(October 1976), pp..24-46
16. 16. K.V.Joseph, Nazranikalude Sampathika Yatnangal, Kottayam, 2009, pp.66-8; Joseph Mathew Vallikattu, Kuttanadan Kayalnilangal, Trivandrum, 2008.
17. 17.For details see S.Ramachandran Nair, Social Consequences of Agrarian Change, pp.60-71; Census of Travancore (1931), pp.192-3; 489; Robin Jeffrey, The Decline of Nayar Dominance:Society and Politics in Travancore, 1847-1908, New Delhi, 1976, pp.240-60
18. 18.S.Ramachandran Nair, Social Consequences of Agrarian Change, p.71; Enquiry into the Sub-division and Fragmentation of Agricultural Holdings,Travancore,1941, p.27
19. 19.K.V.Joseph, Nazranikalude Sampathika Yatnangal, pp.60-1
20. 20. Nagam Aiya, Report on the Census of Travancore, Madras, 1894, pp381ff
21. 21. “Schools”, in Directory of the Archdiocese of Trichur,Trichur, 2005
22. 22.“Changanacherry Roopatha- Schoolukal”, in Rakshaniya Valsaram 1937 le Vaidika Panchankam, pp.45-56
23. 23.It was by the papal Bull Rei Sacrae issued on 28th July 1896 that the dioceses of Trichur, Ernakulam and Changanacherry were erected and indigenous priests were made bishops for theses sees.
24. 24. “Changanacherry Roopatha- Schoolukal”, in Rakshaniya Valsaram 1937 le Vaidika Panchankam, pp.45-56. Some of these schools were later upgraded while some others stopped functioning. The list includes al types of schools including primary , upper primary and high schools.
25. 25. “Kottayam Roopatha- Schoolukal”, in Rakshaniya Valsaram 1937 le Vaidika Panchankam, pp.3-5
26. 26. These 93 schools are already included in the list given in supra no. 110. The figure is quoted as to have an area-wise picture of the developments
27. 27. “Ernakulam Athiroopatha”, in Rakshaniya Valsaram 1937 le Vaidika Panchankam, pp.1-5;10-19
28. 28. “Ernakulam Athiroopatha”, in Rakshaniya Valsaram 1937 le Vaidika Panchankam, pp.10-19
29. 29.“ Thrissivaperoor Roopatha”, ”, in Rakshaniya Valsaram 1937 le Vaidika Panchankam, pp.2-21
30. 30. See the Papal Bull Romani Pontifices issued by Pope Pius XI on 21st December 1923
31. 31. All the Religious Congregations started during this period for women, except the Holy Family Congregation founded by Bl.Mariam Thresia, took education as their main apostolate in the Church. Later Holy Family sisters, who had family apostolate as their primary concern, started resorting to education as their secondary apostolate.
32. 32.Most of these congregations established dispensaries and hospitals either in the newly migrated settlements or in places lying adjacent to the migrant villages. Many of the dispensaries have eventually evolved into full-fledged hospitals in later years, while some others were wound up recently with the mushrooming of super-specialty hospitals that made the existence of dispensaries redundant. See for details Pius Malekandathil, “Sabha Adhunika Keralathinte Roopikaranathil,” pp.41-43
33. 33.The spirit of Malayali Memorial was that Travancore for Travancoreans and the movement was led by G.P.Pillai, an English educated Nair youth. G.P.Sekhar(ed.), Select Writings and speeches of G.P. Pillai, pp.100-110, 180-4; P.K.K.Menon, (ed.), The History of Freedom Movement in Kerala, vol.II, Trivandrum, 1972, pp.1-16
34. 34.The Malayali Memorial with signatures of 10,037 persons was submitted to the Dewan on July 2, 1891 by a six-member delegation with K.P.Padmanabha Menon as the leader and G.P.Pillai, Cyriac Nidhiry Vakil, M.K.Padmanabha Pillai, Sivan Pillai and Kavalam Neelakanda Pillai as members. See P.S.Velayudhan,”Sri Narayana Guruvum, Kshetrasthapanavum”, Vivekodayam, March, 1978, pp.41-2; Abraham M.Nidhiry, Father Nidhiry, A History of His Times, Kottayam, 1971; V.C.George , Nidhirikal Mani Kathanar, Thevara, 1950.
35. 35. Census of 1875 and 1891 and the List of Public Servants of the Travancore Government for the years of 1872-73 and 1893-94
36. 36. Pius Malekandathil, “ Sabha Adhunika Keralathinte Roopikaranathil”, Mathavum Chintayum, vol. 90, Issue 6( November-December )2007, p. 30
37. 37. Robbin Jeffrey, The Decline of Nayar Dominance: Society and Politics in Travancore 1847-1908 (New Delhi, 1976), pp,5-9
38. 38.P.Chandramohan, “Christian Middle Class and their Fight for Civic Rights in Travancore”, in K.J.John(ed.), Christian Heritage of Keralaq: Grand Chevalier L.M.Pylee Felicitation Volume, Cochin, 1981, pp.267-271. These were the major issues discussed in the editorials of Deepika on May 28 1918 and January 16, 1919.
39. 39. M.M. Varkey, Ormakalilute (Malayalam) , Kottayam, 1974, pp. 74 – 83.; P.Chandramohan, “Christian Middle Class and their Fight for Civic Rights in Travancore”, pp. 265ff
40. 40.Barrister George Joseph organized the Vaikom satyagraha as convenor of the Anti Un-touchability Committee. For details see T.K.Ravindran, Eight Furlongs of Freedom, New Delhi, 1980; P.K.K.Menon, The History of Freedom Movement in Kerala, vol.II, Trivandrum, 1972:K.P.Kesava Menon, Kazhinjakalam, Calicut, 1986: P.K.Madhavan, T.K. Madhavante Jivitacharitram, Trivandrum, 1926
41. 41.T.K.Ravindran, Eight Furlongs of Freedom, New Delhi, 1980
42. 42. S.Ramachandran Nair, Freedom Struggle in Colonial Kerala, Trivandrum, 2004, p. 98
43. 43. “Changanacherry Roopatha- Sarvakalasala Bhirudadharikal”, in Rakshaniya Valsaram 1937 le Vaidika Panchankam, Ernakulam, 1937pp.57-75
44. 44. “Ernakulam Athiroopatha- Sarvakalasala Bhirudadharikal”, in Rakshaniya Valsaram 1937 le Vaidika Panchankam , pp.31-41
45. 45. V.C.George, Nidhirikal Mani Kathanar, pp.184-209
46. 46.John Pallisserry, “Catholic Congress Oru Sannadha Sangham”, in AKCC Bulletin Silver Jubilee Souvenir, Kottayam, 1973, pp.140-5
47. 47.The deputation led by E.J.John in 1920 to present a memorial to the Dewan consisted of fifteen St.Thomas Christians , two Ezhavas and one Muslim as members. See for details P.S.Velayudhan, Sri Narayana Guruvum Kshetrastapanavum”, March, 1978, pp.187-98
48. 48. M.M.Varkey, Kerala Dasan, April 12, 1924
49. 49. George Mathew, Communal Road to a Secular Kerala, New Delhi, 1989, pp.72-4; M.M. Varkey, Ormakalilude, Kottayam, 1974, pp.40-60
50. 50.George Mathew, Communal Road to a Secular Kerala, p.74
51. 51. Ibid.
52. 52.Pius Malekandathil, “ Sabha Adhunika Keralathinte Roopikaranathil”, p.37
53. 53. P.K.K.Menon, The History of Freedom Movement in Kerala, vol.II, p.355
54. 54.For details see S.Ramachandran Nair, Social Consequences of Agrarian Change, pp.104-145: George Mathew, Communal Road to a Secular Kerala, pp. 86-112
55. 55. P.K.K.Menon, The History of Freedom Movement in Kerala, vol.II, p.336; George Mathew, Communal Road to a Secular Kerala, pp.91-2
56. 56. George Mathew, Communal Road to a Secular Kerala, pp.92-3; P.K.K.Menon, The History of Freedom Movement in Kerala, vol.II, p.340
57. 57. P.K.K.Menon, The History of Freedom Movement in Kerala, vol.II, pp.336-42; K.K.Kusuman, The Abstention Movement, Trivandrum, 1976; P.S.Velayudhan, “Sri Narayana Guruvum Kshetrasthapanavum”, pp.291-319
58. 58.George Mathew, Communal Road to a Secular Kerala, pp.93-94
59. 59.George Mathew, Communal Road to a Secular Kerala, pp.90-8
60. 60. Ibid., pp.96-9
61. 61. Pala K.M.Mathew, “ The Role of Christians in India’s Freedom Struggle”, in Silvester Ponnumuthan , Chacko Aerath and George Menacherry(ed.), Christian Contribution to Nation Building : A Third Millennium Enquiry, Cochin, 2004, pp.31-3

• ‘The St. Thomas Christian Encyclopaedia of India’- Volume II , Chief Editor Prof.George Menachery
• Population Statistics and Demography of Saint Thomas Christians, Churches with historical references
• Sixteenth Century Churches – Churches belonging to Catholics and Syriac Orthodox ( 1818 AD-Statistics)
• ‘East of the Euphrates- Early Christianity in Asia’ by T.V. Philip
• Ancient Churches with traditional dates of foundation & Stone Crosses of Kerala- Saint Thomas Cross, Nazraney Sthambams and other Persian Crosses
• ‘The Indian Christians of St. Thomas’ by Dr. Leslie Brown
• ‘The Syrian Christians of Kerala, Demographic and Socio-Economic Transition In The Twentieth Century’ by K. C. Zachariah

1.Introduction

Centuries before, an incident shook both the land of Malabar and the Saint Thomas Christian community; the murder of one of their priests, Ikkako Kathanar, by European missionaries at the church in Verapoly (Varappuzha).

This incident in 1771 AD resulted in long ramification in the turbulent history of the ancient community of Saint Thomas Christians whose existence was threatened by the colonisation of the Malabar Coast of south-west India by European powers beginning with the Portuguese.

2.History sets in

The Saint Thomas Christians, locally known as Mar Thoma Nasranis, Suriyani Nasranis, Syrian Christians or simply Nasranis trace their origin to the missionary works of Saint Thomas the Apostle, who in Aramaic (East-Syriac) is known as Mar Thoma Sleeha. This community of Christians that existed in many parts of India were eventually restricted to the south-west Malabar Coast of India, encompassing the modern state of Kerala and nearby regions. They followed the ancient Aramaic (East-Syriac) tradition in worship and Aramaic was their liturgical language. Aramaic was the language of Jesus Christ and His disciples as well. The Nasranis were profoundly attached to the Aramaic (East-Syriac) language and their Aramaic heritage.¹

The Nasranis were a fiercely independent community under its head who was known as the Archdeacon (Jathikku Karthavyan) and he held the title of ‘Archdeacon and Gate of All India’. The Archdeacon also commandeered an army of his own. Each church had its own church assembly consisting of priests and laymen. The Archdeacon was guided by a General Assembly, known as the Palli-Yogam, consisting of both priests and laymen representing all churches. European missionaries marvelled at this and called the community as a Christian Republic.²

Geographically, the Nasranis were located in territories ruled by local Hindu kings and vassals and ecclesiastically they were part of the (East-Syriac) Church of the East which sent Bishops from Babylon and Persia. The bishops for the most part exercised the power of order only and the Nasranis lived a peaceful community life for centuries this way.

But things were about to change for them soon with the advent of the Portuguese Vasco da Gama in 1498.

The Portuguese who arrived in the dawn of the 16th century attempted to forcefully westernise the Nasrani community and bring them under their political and ecclesiastical authority.

These attempts culminated in the so-called Synod at Diamper (Udayamperoor) in 1599 and the Nasranis were placed under the authority of the Portuguese Padroado. The Padroado was an agreement between the kingdom of Portugal and the Roman Catholic Church according to which Rome delegated the administration of local churches to the kingdom (later republic) of Portugal. The king (or queen) of Portugal appointed bishops for regions under their influence. Mostly the Padroado was made up of Jesuits.

Though the Nasranis longed to have bishops of their own tradition, the Portuguese colonial authorities prevented their arrival from Babylon and also curtailed the authority of the Archdeacon and the General Assembly.

The Nasranis revolted in 1653 at Mattanchery, Cochin (Kochi) and this revolt resulted in the ‘Coonan Cross oath’ against the local Portuguese Jesuit bishop.

In response to the revolt, the Pope sent emissaries directly through its Propaganda Congregation that was mainly Carmelites of various European nationalities to work out a compromise. Gradually, a large section of the community was convinced or forced to accept the ecclesiastical authority of the Propaganda who were historically forced to ordain a Nasrani, Mar Parampil Chandy, as their Bishop. This section of the Nasrani community came to be known as Pazhayakoor (Old Allegiance) and was divided between the jurisdiction of the Roman Propanganda that was based in Verapoly (Varappuzha) and the Portuguese Padroado that was locally based in Cochin (Kochi) and Cranganore (Kodungalloor) under the diocese of Goa. However, the Propaganda refused to ordain any other Nasrani as Mar Parampil Chandy’s successor.

The faction that refused to return to European ecclesiastical jurisdiction formed the Puthenkoor (New Allegiance) Nasranis. Though both factions of Nasranis longed to be re-united, European missionaries sabotaged those attempts fearing a unified Nasrani community. Eventually, the Puthenkoor faction became Jacobites and adopted the Antiochian West-Syriac tradition in the 19th century.

Here we mainly deal with the happenings within the larger Pazhayakoor faction of the Nasranis, because it is in this milieu that the Ikkako incident took place.

Though forcefully colonised, the patriotic Nasranis tried to safeguard their faith, East-Syriac rite of worship and culture in all possible ways. They also made numerous attempts to bring East-Syriac Bishops of Babylon, who were of their own tradition, and to re-establish the position of Archdeacon and reinstate lost authority of the General Assembly. In the process the Nasranis and their leaders went through several hardships and some paid with their lives as well.

One such martyr who laid down his life for the Church and nation is the priest, Fr. Jacob Puthenpurackal popularly known as Ikkako Kathanar of Champakulam-Kalloorkadu parish born in the Puthenpurackal family of Thekke Angadi. He was also known as Chacko or Yakoov Kathanar. Yakoov is the Aramaic (Syriac) form and Chacko is the malayalamised version of the name Jacob. The term Kathanar is used for Nasrani priests and it originates from the Aramaic (East-Syriac) word kashisa – presbyter. The term Padre comes from pater – the Latin word for father. Padre was used for Latin rite priests, European and others.

Ikkako Kathanar lived during the time period when the Mar Thoma Nasranis nostalgically remembered their past glory but were disunited and too weak to fight off European Latin aggression. This martyr who made his name entwined in Nasrani history was soon forgotten and this chapter of history was hidden away by vested interests. Ikkako was the vicar of Edappally church at the time of his martyrdom. The struggle this priest and his Church went through continues to this day.

3.Kuttanadu : Champakulam – Kalloorkkadu church

Known as Kottanara in ancient records the Kuttanadu region is the rice bowl of Kerala. Located below the sea level this region is comparable to only Holland in Europe. Unlike other rice producing regions where water is brought in for cultivation, in Kuttanadu water is removed before planting saplings.

Kuttanadu has a large concentration of hardworking Nasranis and the Champakulam – Kalloorkkadu church is the most famous church in the region.

This church has several ancient inscriptions. One such Malayalam inscription is on the first wooden ornamented beam inside the church that reads “In the 1730th year of Mshiha’s birth Thamalloor Itty-Kuruvilla Kathanar built this beam this year 905 in the month of Meenam”. (This is in AD 1730 and Kollam era or Malayalam calendar 905 in the month of March).

Itty-Kuruvilla’s older brother was a Yaakov who moved into the household of Puthenpurackal. The protagonist of this article, Ikkako Kathanar was born to Yaakov’s son Thommi.

Ikkako’s home once stood at the same location where the St. Joseph’s Mission Hospital is today.

4.Thekke Angadi (South Market) and Thachil Mathoo Tharakan

There is a market located on the south side of the Champakulam church known as the Thekke Angadi (South Market). This market prospered during the second half of the 17th century. The reason behind this prosperity was a trade agreement in 1642 between the Champakasherry king who ruled Champakulam and the Dutch with regard to trade centred on the Purakkadu (Porca in foreign records) harbour. “When the Dutch came to Purakkadu in 1642 and entered into a trade agreement with Champakasherry, it was the dawn of better days for Kalloorkkadu”.³

This was because goods from eastern regions like Arpookkara, Kudamalloor, Kuruppampadi, Kaduthuruthy etc were brought to Kalloorkkadu in large boats and from Kalloorkkadu they were taken to Purakkadu harbour.

Later, a well-known international trader, and Commerce Minister of the kingdom of Travancore, Thachil Mathoo Tharakan (1741-1814) set up base in Champakulam and this too increased the prominence of Champakulam.

But afterwards during the reign of Raja Keshavadas, the Diwan of Travancore, the town of Alappuzha (Alleppey) and its harbour gained prominence. This eventually reduced the importance of the Purakkadu harbour.

Ikkako Kathanar’s home was located in the centre of Kalloorkkadu’s Thekke Angadi. We do not have any records of his childhood or early life. However, his martyrdom in 1771 AD played an important role in awakening the contemporary Nasrani community.

5.Ikkako Kathanar at Champakulam

It all started at Champakulam.

It was the ancient custom in each Nasrani (Syriac) church that during its main feast days, all the priests who are born in that parish wherever they serve come back and attend the celebration. They are called ‘local priests’ (deshathu pattakkar). The main responsibilities of the feasts like carrying the Reliquary during procession, arranging valuable gold and silver ornaments on icons and statues and removing the same for safe custody in locker rooms all belonged to these local priests.

European Padres from Verapoly and even from Goa used to visit the feasts in the main Nasrani churches.

When Bishop Florence from Poland was reigning as Vicar Apostolic of Propaganda in Verapoly, an argument arose between the local Nasranis and the European Padres at the feast at Champakulam church as to who should carry the Reliquary during the procession.

The Propaganda authorities ill-treated Nasranis through repressive policies and especially racial discrimination and they thought they monopolised the right of carrying the Reliquary in whichever local Nasrani church processions they visit during feast days.

The Europeans insisted that they had the right over the Nasrani vicar of the parish. However, the parishioners led by our protagonist Ikkako Kathanar did not yield and argued vehemently that they had the right. Finally to allow for a smooth conduct of the feast a compromise was worked out by other priests and church representatives of the parish.

European Padres were then allowed to lead the main procession.

After the procession, it was time for the valuables, including gold and silver ornaments displayed on the Reliquary and other statues during the procession to be removed and inventoried with the list. Ikkako Kathanar and Poothara Korah Kathanar, along with the trustees, were entrusted with their safe-keeping in secure rooms.

While documenting collections from the feast, a group of people who accompanied the European Padres attempted to steal valuables and offerings. They were caught in the act and this led to unpleasant scenes and a little wrestling. Ikkako was again in the forefront of all this. This attracted a large crowd. The stolen things were recovered but the Europeans were accused of bringing thieves along with them. Again, elders and leading members of church assemblies mediated and the European padres along with their unscrupulous followers were allowed to return to Verapoly without harm.

The public disgrace was too much for the Europeans to digest. They swore revenge against the parishioners and Ikkako Kathanar in particular. Later on, sadly, the European padres extracted their revenge at Verapoly.

Looking at the brazen attempts at stealing valuables it is possible that European Padres and their followers may have stolen valuables from other parishes as well but were not challenged out of fear. The Europeans and their followers may have fought off any resistance. However, the experience at Champakulam turned out to be different.

This incident at Champakulam was lost in history and not widely known. However, it was written and saved in the book “Kalloorkkadu Church and Syrian Christians” written by late Jacob J. Kurialacherry, M M Press Champakulam 1986. ⁴ The information about Ikkako Kathanar’s family and the incident at Champakulam church was collected from various documents from the homes of members of the Kalloorkkadu parish including Puthenpurackal branches.

Future incidents dealing with the death and torture of Ikkako Kathanar at Verapoly are documented in The Varthamanappusthakam written by Kathanar Thomman (Thomas) Paremmakkal. The Varthamanappusthakam is the first travelogue written in the Malayalam language. It describes the history of the Nasrani Church between the years 1773 and 1786 with emphasis on the journey of its author and Malpan Mar Ousep (Joseph) Kariattil from Malabar to Rome via Lisbon and back. Despite attempts by European ecclesiastical authorities to destroy it the major part of this book survived. Chapter 4 of The Varthamanappushtakam describes in detail the sufferings of Ikkako Kathanar. The Chapter is titled: The church assembly of Edappalli takes its complaints to the representatives of the churches assembled at Angamaly.

6.Ikkako Kathanar at Verapoly (Varappuzha)

We come to the second phase of the incident at Verapoly.

“While Monsignor Florence bishop of Areopolis was living at Verapoly as Vicar Apostolic of Malabar and of the diocese of Cochin, the Padres gathered together at Verapoly to celebrate the feast of St. Teresa who had reformed and founded their Order. After the solemn mass was over, the Blessed Sacrament was enclosed in a gold monstrance and exposed on the altar for the adoration of the faithful. The Padres then retired for dinner.

Among the priests and people who had come for the feast from the other parishes there was also Chacko (Ikkako) Kathanar of Kalloorkkadu, the vicar of Edappalli. When the feast was over he returned to Edappalli with the others. Owing to the greatness of the joy that followed the dinner the Padres forgot to close the church. The next morning the church was found to be open. The monstrance with the Blessed Sacrament had disappeared. After several enquiries, we do not know how, suspicion fell on Ikkako Kathanar.” – From The Varthamanappusthakam, Chapter 4.⁵

In simple words, the Padres forgot to close the door of the church after a sumptuous meal and the valuable gold monstrance was stolen. Though the author of The Varthamanappustakam wonders how suspicion fell on Ikkako Kathanar – we need not. The European Padres who swore revenge on Ikkako at Champakulam made “use” of this opportunity.

Anyway, Bishop Florence sent messengers to Edappalli, summoned Ikkako Kathanar to Verapoly and questioned him. He answered sincerely that he knew nothing about the matter, and that, since the Padres had gone to sleep, he left the place without taking leave of them. The Bishop and others were convinced of his innocence and he was allowed to return to his church.

But one German Padre Francis Sales was not at Verapoly when Ikkako Kathanar was questioned. When he came to Verapoly and heard of the case he affirmed that it was Ikkako Kathanar who had stolen the monstrance. From this we can only assume that it was Padre Francis Sales and his associates who were involved in the incident at Champakulam.

Padre Francis Sales sent messengers to Edappalli and had him brought to be questioned again. When Ikkako Kathanar realised that he would be questioned under torture he feared exceedingly, and owing to the intensity of the fear he returned to Edappalli without taking leave of the Bishop and the Padres.

Ikkako Kathanar had genuine reasons to fear as he knew of the existence of the infamous inquisition chambers in Europe during the middle ages and the cruel methods of torture that the European Padres were familiar with. Deep in fear, Ikkako sought the protection of the Swarupam (chieftain) of Edappally. The Swarupam took him under his protection and consoled him. However, this behaviour of Ikkako Kathanar only strengthened the suspicion of the Padres.

The Bishop and Padres concluded that Ikkako was the real thief, for if he were not, he would not have ran away and taken refuge with the Swarupam.⁶

“Conclusions like the one mentioned above may sometimes be correct, but under certain circumstances they may be erroneous also, especially in cases concerning superiors and inferiors. Fear is a formidable emotion and when it is at its zenith, man does not think of what he does. The anxiety is greater if those who inflict punishments are cruel and imprudent.” – From The Varthamanappushthakam, Chapter 4.⁷

Thus, Ikkako Kathanar was pronounced guilty!

Since those were the days when religion and politics went hand in hand; the German Padre Francis Sales with the permission of the Polish Bishop Florence proceeded with armed new converts to capture Ikkako. “As though going out for a war to subdue countries, a thing unheard of before, Padre Sales daringly proceeded to Edappalli to take Ikkako Kathanar by force. He besieged the residence of the Swarupam where Ikkako Kathanar had taken refuge.”⁸

The kings of Kochi and other states were mostly vassals of European powers and were scared of their military might. Also, the kings gained wealth through association with European powers. Hence, they hardly had any interest in controlling unjust activities of Europeans within their territories. So if the kings were in such a situation we can only imagine how weak local chieftains like the Swarupam of Edappalli would have been. While the king or chieftain could do nothing the Nasranis of Edappalli tried all they could to save Ikkako Kathanar who was neither tried nor convicted.

All in vain!

What happened next is distressing indeed.

Padre Francis Sales and his gang took Ikkako Kathanar by force to Verapoly, shut him up in a room and tortured him severely. They wanted him to admit that he had stolen the monstrance. Inspite of the physical pain and humiliation the brave Nasrani did not agree to their demands. He chose to suffer than put his family, parishioners and the community to shame. After exhausting torture methods the Padres condemned him to die by starvation, and he was left without food and drink for several days. When he was close to dying Ikkako Kathanar begged the Padres for the sacraments of confession and communion.

He was denied that as well!

When he died his body was wrapped in a mat and buried on the bank of a pond in the compound outside the church.⁹

As if torturing and killing this helpless Nasrani priest was not enough to quench their thirst for revenge, the Bishop and his Padres wanted to punish the Nasranis of Edappalli for trying to save their priest. The Bishop and his Padres demanded that the Edappalli church assembly hand over the keys of the church to them in Verapoly. The Bishop wanted to turn over the church to the new converts. The new converts, like the Bishop and Padres, were Latin rite Christians. The Edappalli church assembly out of fear deposited the key of their church with the Swarupam of Edappalli. The Bishop and the Padres were offended and the church of Edappalli was put under interdict. The Bishop and the Padres refused to allow any religious services in the church and it remained closed despite several requests and prayers from the Nasranis of Edappalli. The Edappalli Nasranis also promised to undergo the prescribed penance if they had done any wrong.

But all was in vain and the church remained closed.

To address this issue and get justice the church assembly of Edappalli decided to present their grievances to the General Assembly of Mar Thoma Nasranis who gathered at Angamaly. The reasons for the gathering at Angamaly are dealt with in detail in the next chapter.

“The Nasranis of Edappalli did nothing wrong. They acted according to God’s precept and according to natural law which demanded that our parents and teachers who are in distress are to be helped by us. They only did what they could in order to save their pastor who, as they knew, would be arrested and maltreated. In depositing the key of the church with the Swarupam they did not commit any crime. For they had seen that the key of the church which their forefathers of old had built would be handed over to some others. God has appointed kings and has given them authority on the earth to do justice for those who are unjustly oppressed. In accordance with what St. Paul says, every one, be he Pope or bishop, should obey this authority so that no one may suffer as the Nasranis of Edappalli suffered from the bishop and the Padres.” – From The Varthamanappushthakam, Chapter 4.¹⁰

7.General Assembly (Palli-Yogam) at Angamaly

In the midst of all this turbulence, the Carmelite Bishop of Verapoly Msgr. Florence died in 1773.

In conformity with their custom, the (East-Syriac) Nasranis of the churches of Angamaly, Alangat, Paravur, Kuthiathodu and many others, assembled at Verapoly and were about to bury the bishop according to their custom and East-Syriac rite. Padre Anastasius of St. Jerome, the Provincial Superior of the Carmelite Padres came up to the Nasrani priests and laymen and asked,
“What business have you to come here now? Your bishop is the one (Archbishop of Kodungalloor) who resides at Pukotta.”¹¹

He asked them to step aside and the bishop was buried by the Padres in their Latin rite. This humiliation at the hands of the Padres was too much for the Nasranis who were already being tested for their limits of tolerance.

On close scrutiny the meaning of the words said by the Padre Superior was true – the Padroado Archbishop of Kodunagalloor, who was a Jesuit, was the proper Pastor of the Malabar Nasranis. The Propaganda mission’s Carmelites at Verapoly were sent by the Pope to pacify the Nasranis after the Coonan Cross oath of 1653. Both Padroado and Propaganda were of the Latin rite whereas the Nasranis are of the East-Syriac rite. The last East-Syriac Metropolitan of the Nasranis resided at Angamaly and after the so-called Synod at Diamper (Udayamperoor) in 1599 the Nasranis were forcefully placed under the Latin (Portuguese) Archbishop of Goa. Later, a new Latin Archbishopric was introduced in Kodungalloor for Nasrani (East-Syriac) administration but was often called Angamaly-Kodungalloor or simply Angamaly. During the previously mentioned incident at Verapoly, the Archbishop of Kodungalloor was residing at Pukotta because of Dutch opposition.

The Nasranis considered the Propadanda Carmelites at Verapoly as mediators sent to resolve the issues between them and the Padroado Jesuits at Kodungalloor. Therefore, the Nasranis thought they had the right to bury the bishop according to their custom and East-Syriac rite.

Following the humiliation at the bishop’s funeral the Mar Thoma Nasranis decided to call a General Assembly (Palli-Yogam) of their churches to gather at Angamaly to discuss issues troubling their community. When informed of the gathering of the General Assembly, three Padres from Verapoly under the leadership of their Visitor Apostolic Padre Lawrence Justiniani, reached Angamaly to advocate their cause.

The Assembly gathered in great commotion and continued for a few days. The representatives were all agitated due to the humiliating past experiences at the hands of the Europeans. They daringly deliberated and put forward certain conditions for the Padres to accept. They were written down on paper and presented to the Padres. The item numbered 2 said “no punishment would be meted out for any grave crime committed by the priests or laymen before the matter was judged by the representatives of 4 churches.” Also it was demanded that during feasts the priest who celebrated the Qurbana (Liturgy) should carry the Reliquary and not the Padres.

Lawrence Justiniani and the other two Padres accepted the demands of the Assembly. They put their signatures and seals on the document. Also, the Assembly demanded that the Edappally church be opened again for use. The Padres consented.¹²

Though it would seem that the Padres were willing to negotiate peace with the Nasranis, later incidents prove that they had no such intension.

All they wanted was for the General Assembly to disperse at the earliest!

The Padres were confident that no one would question them if they transgressed the terms of agreement the next day. The Padres were strong and proud; the enslaved Nasranis were weak and without a leader.

However, in 1774, the Propaganda Congregation from Rome gave strong instructions to the Carmelite missionaries against the illtreatment of Nasranis, especially their priests at the hands of the missionaries. It also reminded the missionaries that the (East-Syriac rite) Nasranis despise being governed by Latin rite heads and so should take care of their actions so as not to offend them further.

“Whereas the priests of that (Nasrani) nation have complained that several times action has been taken against them by way of imprisonment with the use even of chains and by way of cruel flogging, the S. Congregation has been deeply moved to hear that such cruelties are being practised specially against priests, and that religious men and a bishop who ought to profess meekness which is the special characteristic of our Lord Jesus Christ of whom they should be the living copy in their behaviour, have had the heart to practice them… In punishing them for their faults after legitimate proofs, they should adopt only means in harmony with meekness and the sweetness demanded by charity, the character of their office, and prudence, which should direct them not to anger the (Nasrani) nation which suffers badly from the yoke of being governed by directors and heads of a different rite on whose will alone depends its separation from the catholic union at one stroke.”¹³

However, neither sealed agreements nor strong worded instructions from their superiors had any effect on the conduct of the Padres.

The vicar of Malayattoor church Panachikkal Geevarghese (George) Kathanar was dragged from the procession after he celebrated the Raza Qurbana (most solemn form of East-Syriac Liturgy) on New Sunday.¹⁴ The Kathanar was chained and taken to Verapoly by the Padres; tied to a bed with face up and beaten. This gang of Padres and their men were led by Padre John St Margaret. He was one of the three Padres who had promised the General Assembly, on behalf of all Padres not to harm anyone without proper deliberations with four churches and that the Padres would not demand the right to lead processions.

Many intelligent members of the Nasrani General Assembly had rightly predicted that any agreement with the Padres would never last and it would only cause further persecutions.

8.Return of Padre Francis Sales as Vicar Apostolic of Malabar

As a matter of further irony Padre Francis Sales, who led the kidnap and murder of Ikkako Kathanar, was sent back to Rome but soon returned to Verapoly on the 13th of October, 1775 as Francis de Sales bishop of Germanica, Vicar Apostolic of Malabar. This caused great sorrow and perturbation among the Nasranis.¹⁵ Also, the Padres at Verapoly refused to accept him as their head. They claimed he was unworthy to be a Bishop and had created too many scandals in the past. However, the real reason was that the leading Padres who were mostly Italians refused to accept Francis Sales, a German as their head. They also removed another German, a Bavarian Padre Lawrence of St Rosita from the office of the vicar of the house of Verapoly and of the Vicar Provincial. They substituted Padre Clement of Jesus in his place. ¹⁶ Thus, the Propaganda mediators sent directly from Rome to settle the differences between the Nasranis and the Padroado bishop were quarrelling among themselves and rebelling against their own bishop and authorities!

“The Padres were of a race, language and rite other than those of the Malabarian Nasranis over whom they ruled… Such being the case they had no reason not to obey one from Germany…But this happened under the providence of God who could not allow the Bishop in company with the Padres to persecute the poor and the enslaved Nasranis. When Medionites took up arms against the Israelites Gedeon and the three hundred faced them, and they perished fighting among themselves. So God permitted the Padres to disagree with the Bishop in order to keep the Malabarian Nasranis unmolested.” – The Varthamanappushthakam, Chapter 8.¹⁷

The Bishop Francis Sales could not put up with the situation in Verapoly. He called over a leading Nasrani priest Kariattil Ousep (Joseph) Malpan from Alangad. Malpan is the Syriac word for teacher. Kariattil Ousep Malpan held a doctorate in Theology from Propaganda college in Rome. ¹⁸

The Bishop described to the Malpan the humiliation he faced at the hands of his subordinate Padres. He cried and begged forgiveness for his past deeds against the Nasranis and promised that he would behave in the future. Kariattil Ousep Malpan believed the Bishop’s words and with the help of an influential Nasrani lay man Thachil Mathoo Tharakan of Kuthiathode, Kariattil Ousep Malpan took Bishop Francis Sales to Alangad. Like the old Malayalam saying goes “picking up a snake from the fence and carrying it around ones neck” Kariattial Ousep Malpan took Francis Sales from Verapoly to Alangad. The rebellious Padres were proud at their success in literally casting their Bishop out of the house. ¹⁹

However, Bishop Francis Sales’ apology or promise of good behaviour was never genuine.

The Varthamanappusthakam describes in detail the cunning acts and financial hardship the Bishop brought on the Nasrani community. Later he reconciled with the other Padres and without following the customs of the Nasranis he re-located to Verapoly. However, Bishop Francis de Sales’ reconciliation with his Padres did not last for long and he had to return to Europe in 1780. He died in Europe in 1787. It would be of interest to readers to know that the rebellious Padres had sent John St Margaret to Rome to revoke the appointment of Bishop Francis Sales. As mentioned previously, John St Margaret was the Padre responsible for the kidnap and torture of Panachikkal Geevarghese Kathanar of Malayattoor. John St Margaret was appointed bishop in place of Francis Sales but his appointment was revoked before he left Italy. ²⁰

9.Trial and verdict in the case of Ikkako Kathanar’s murder

Meanwhile, the Swarupum (chieftain) of Venad under the famed king Marthandavarma annexed several petty kingdoms to his own and consolidated the Kingdom of Travancore. The majority of the Nasranis formed part of the kingdom of Travancore. The case of the murder of Ikkako Kathanar at Verapoly at the hands of Carmelite missionaries was heard by the minister of the King of Travancore in 1787. The then Vicar Apostolic and his missionaries wrote to the Propaganda congregation on May 7th, 1787 saying “Regarding the Syrian priest who was accused of many sacrilegious thefts, was shut up in a room and died in former times, the fault was attributed to the Bishop and to the Padres and also the Christians themselves”.

The Nasranis have in their possession a document where the Carmelites promised to pay a fine to the government of Travancore for the death of the priest in question. Padre Paulinus and Padre John wrote the promissory document. The Bishop and his Padres paid 1100 rupees to the government of Travancore.

The verdict roughly reads like this: “We, Padre Paulinus and Padre John of the Verapoly Carmelite mission, appearing before the Government Affairs submit this affidavit on 2nd of the month of Medam in the year 962, agree to pay the fine and penance for the following offence. When Ikkako Kathanar of Puthanpurackal, Kolloorkkadu came to Verapoly in 946 it was presumed that he took away certain valuables to Edappalli where he was the vicar and hence we and our bishop sent new converts with Padre Francis Sales to capture him and confined him in a cell causing his death”.

According to Ikkako Kathanar’s family records, maintained in Kalloorkkadu, the date of his death according to the Kollam Era (Malayalam Calendar) is recorded as the 5th of Kumbham. In the above affidavit submitted by his murderers it says Ikkako came to Verapoly in 946. Hence in the modern calendar, it would be in the middle of February, 1771.

In later years, The Varthamanappustakam gained prominence among the Nasranis and it was read in their churches every Sunday after Qurbana (Liturgy). The European Latin ecclesiastical authorities forbid the use of the book and tried to condemn it to fire just like they destroyed numerous other ancient books of the Nasrani community. However, a large portion of The Varthamanappustakam survives to this day.

10.Ikkako Kathanar and Palackal Thomma Malpan

Though the direct relationship between Puthenpurackal Ikkako Kathanar and Palackal Thoma Malpan is not certain, the founder of the CMI congregation is a nephew of Ikkako.

Despite ancient references say that monasteries of the East-Syriac Tradition existed among the Mar Thoma Nasranis they gradually vanished and by the 19th century some visionaries of the community came up with the idea of starting a monastic congregation, like the Carmelites, for the Nasrani community. They were led by Palackal Thoma Malpan of Pallipuram, near Cherthala. Under him were Porukkara Thoma Malpan of Champakulam and Bl. Chavara Kuriakose Elias of Chennamkari. Their first monastery was established in Mannanam, near Kottayam in 1831. They were later known as Third Order of Discladed Carmelites (T.O.C.D) and eventually took the name of Carmelites of Mary Immaculate (C.M.I).

Palackal Thomma Malpan’s biography was written by his relative and disciple Bl. Chavara Kuriakose Elias. According to it, Palackal Thomma Malpan’s mother was from Kalloorkkadu’s Puthenpurackal family of Thekke Angadi.²¹

11.Conclusion

The story of Puthenpurackal Ikkako Kathanar and his martyrdom is similar to the fate of the Mar Thoma Nasrani Church. Ikkako’s family and community forgot his struggle and ultimate sacrifice; the Nasrani Church forgot the persecutions it went through for preserving its Oriental East-Syriac tradition.

Ikkako Kathanar suffered torture and sacrificed his life to preserve his faith, the dignity of his family, parish and the Nasrani community. The Coonan cross oath of 1653 of the Mar Thoma Nasranis (Saint Thomas Christians) is the first organised freedom struggle of any Indian community against European colonialism. The martyrdom of Ikkako Kathanar is a continuation of this freedom struggle as well.

The Pazhayakoor faction of the Nasrani Church today forms the Syro-Malabar Church. The Church still struggles to break the bondages placed by colonial authorities since the 16th century. The fact that martyrs like Ikkako Kathanar and The Varthamanappusthakam have been forgotten by the Church and its leaders is proof of how far the Church has strayed from ‘The Way’ (Marthoma Margam) and its Aramaic (East-Syriac) tradition planted in India by yet another martyr, Saint Thomas the Apostle.

Maran Esraham Alain (Lord, have mercy!). Amen!

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Written in Malayalam by:      Joseph George  (josephgpal ‘at’ hotmail ‘dot’ com)

Creative translation by:          Mathew Mailaparampil  (mailaparampil ‘at’ gmail ‘dot’ com)

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1. 1. Paremmakkal Thomman Kathanar, The Varthamanappusthakam, 1786. English translation by Placid J. Podipara, Rome, 1971
   2. Vatican Secret Achieves, Armad. VII, Caps. No: 14, Rome, 1902
   3. Placid J. Podipara, The Thomas Christians, Bombay/London, 1970
2. 4. Paulinus a S. Bartholomaeo, India Orientalis Christiana, Rome, 1794
3. 5. Jacob J. Kurialacherry, Kalloorkkad Palliyum Suriyani Kristianikalum, Champakulam, 1986
4. 6. Placid J. Podipara, The Thomas Christians, Bombay/London, 1970
5. 7. Paremmakkal Thomman Kathanar, The Varthamanappusthakam, 1786. English translation by Placid J. Podipara, Rome, 1971
6. 8. Paremmakkal Thomman Kathanar, The Varthamanappusthakam, 1786. English translation by Placid J. Podipara, Rome, 1971
7. 9. Paremmakkal Thomman Kathanar, The Varthamanappusthakam, 1786. English translation by Placid J. Podipara, Rome, 1971
8. 10. Paremmakkal Thomman Kathanar, The Varthamanappusthakam, 1786. English translation by Placid J. Podipara, Rome, 1971
9. 11. Paremmakkal Thomman Kathanar, The Varthamanappusthakam, 1786. English translation by Placid J. Podipara, Rome, 1971
10. 12. Paremmakkal Thomman Kathanar, The Varthamanappusthakam, 1786. English translation by Placid J. Podipara, Rome, 1971
11. 13. Paremmakkal Thomman Kathanar, The Varthamanappusthakam, 1786. English translation by Placid J. Podipara, Rome, 1971
12. 14. Paremmakkal Thomman Kathanar, The Varthamanappusthakam, 1786. English translation by Placid J. Podipara, Rome, 1971
13. 15. Ambrosius a S. Teresia, Bio-bibliographia missionaria ordinis Carmelitarum Discalceatorum (1584-1940), Rome 1940
14. 16. Paremmakkal Thomman Kathanar, The Varthamanappusthakam, 1786. English translation by Placid J. Podipara, Rome, 1971
15. 17. Padre Anastasius of St. Jerome, letter written to the S. Propaganda Congregation on December 27, 1775
16. 18. Ambrosius a S. Teresia, Bio-bibliographia missionaria ordinis Carmelitarum Discalceatorum (1584-1940), Rome 1940
17. 19. Paremmakkal Thomman Kathanar, The Varthamanappusthakam, 1786. English translation by Placid J. Podipara, Rome, 1971
18. 20. The catalogue of the Propaganda College, Rome, 1756, 1762
19. 21. Padre Anastasius of St. Jerome, letter written to the S. Propaganda Congregation on December 27, 1775.
20. 22. Paremmakkal Thomman Kathanar, The Varthamanappusthakam, 1786. English translation by Placid J. Podipara, Rome, 1971
21. 23. Sebastian Palathara, CMI Sabhayude Stapakapithakanmar, 1995

• “THE VARTHAMANAPPUSTHAKAM” written by Cathanar Thomman Paremmakkal
• MS Vatican Syriac 22 & MS Vatican Syriac 17: Syriac Manuscripts copied in South India
• Focus II- History, Munnu Noyambu and Kappalottam – Marth Mariam Church, Kuravilangad
• Sixteenth Century Churches – Churches belonging to Catholics and Syriac Orthodox ( 1818 AD-Statistics)
• Champakulam Kalloorkkadu St Mary’s Church- The Hidden Pearl in Nasrani History
• Focus I- Ramapuram twin churches, Role, History & Rituals
• Surviving MSS- Old Testament Manuscripts, Psalms and New Testament Manuscripts of Christians of Saint Thomas

There are many documents available from 14^th century onwards which gives precise information about the Indian Christian community and the Bishops of India. Some of these were copied locally in South India. Amongst these, the MS Vatican Syriac 22 and MS Vatican Syriac 17 are the most well known Syriac MS from India.

MS Vatican Syriac 22, the oldest known Syriac MS from India,  contains a lectionary of the Pauline Epistles according to the Peshitta version. It was copied in 1301 AD ( 1612 A Gr) in Estrangelo Script at Cranganore, South India by a deacon named Zakharya bar Joseph bar Zakharya at the Church dedicated to Mar Quriaqos .

MS Vatican Syriac 17 was completed on 6^th March 1510 AD (1821 A Gr) and copied by Mar Jacob “ Bishop of Hindo”, who arrived in South India in 1504 AD. According to the colophon, this was copied in the blessed and famous place Cranganore, South India at the Church of Saint Thomas. It contains the complete Estrangelo Script New testament. This is the oldest extant locally copied New Testament in India.

1. MS Vatican Syriac 22

a)      About the MSS

This MS is a volume of 94 folios, of these 1 folio is from a rebound of 16^th century. According to the colophon of the MS Vatican Syriac 22, this was copied on 1301 AD in Cranganore ( 1612 A Gr) at the Church dedicated to Mar Quriaqos . This MS is written in Estrangelo Script by a very young decon named Zakharya bar Joseph bar Zakharya  who was just 14 at the time of writing. This is the oldest known Syriac MS copied in India. Though from the manuscripts it is evident that the scribe Zakharya knows Syriac very well, Zakharya is very apologetic about his knowledge of Syriac in the MS.¹

According to Levi della Vida, the first leaf was added to the book in 16^th century as part of a rebounding done. A European hand in Italian has written about the contents of the book in the first leaf as “The epistles for the Sundays of Saint Paul for the whole year in Chaldean characters and language”. This is followed by a note in small Estrangelo script attributed by Levi della Vida to Mar Joseph Sulaka. The note indicates the readings of Genesis and Isaiah for the 1^stSunday of Sbara ( Advent). This is followed by the Portuguese name “Gela Fonseca”.²

According to J. P. M. van der Ploeg, this book may have been in the hands of the Portuguese. As Levi Della Vida comments, this old book was rebounded by the Portuguese in 16^th century and they have added the content information in the first leaf . It was given by “Gela Fonseca” to Mar Joseph Sulaka who took it with him on his last journey to Rome. Mar Joseph Sulaka, is the brother of Chaldean Catholic Patriarch Simon VIII Sulaqa ( 1551-1555). Mar Joseph Sulaka was consecrated as the Bishop of India by Chaldean Catholic Church Patriarch Abdisho IV( 1555-1571) in 1557 or 1558.Mar Joseph died in Rome in 1569.³

b)      Contents of the MSS

This famous MS contains a lectionary for the readings of Saint Paul in the Eucharistic liturgy of Sundays, feasts, and commemorations of the whole ecclesiastical year according to the rite of the church of Kokhe. The Church of Kokhe is the cathedral church of Seleucia- Ctesiphon, the See of the Patriarchs of the Church of the East in earlier times. This rite is different from the one of the “High Monastery” which is often quoted in Syriac MSS in Kerala.

The readings of Saint Paul for the Sundays of the whole year were to be followed by those for special intentions Eucharistic liturgy.⁴

c) Passage about the “ Katholikos-Patriarch”  & Bishop of India in MS

The MS has the following passage about the “ Katholikos-Patriarch” in folio 93:

“ This holy book has been written in the royal and well known and famous town Shengala ( Cranganore) in the land of India, in the holy church dedicated to the glorious martyr Mar Quriaqos …. whilst our blessed and holy father Mar Yahballaha the fifth, the Turk, qatoliqa Patriakis of the East, the head of all the countries, was great governor, holding the offices of the Catholic Church of East, the shining lamp which illuminates its regions, the head of the pastors and Pontiff of the pontiffs, Head of great high priests, Father of the fathers.. The Lord may make long his life and protect his days in order that he may govern her ( the church), a long time, for her glory and for the exhalation of her sons. Amen”

According to J P M Van der Ploeg, this Colophon is a witness of the great reverence and veneration, the copyist had for the Patriarch of his Church.⁵

Mar Yahballaha the 3^rd ( 1283-1317)

The Patriarch of Seleucia- Ctesiphon who is mentioned in the 14^th century manuscript is Mar Yahballaha the 3^rd ( 1283-1317) though wrongly given in the manuscript as Mar Yahabllaha the 5th. According to J P M Van der Ploeg, the fact that the young Indian copyist called him the fifth instead of the third may indicate that the Patriarch of the Church of East was not sufficiently known in Malabar, nobody had ever seen him and as far as we are aware he did not interfere with the internal affairs of the community.⁶

The See of  Patriarch of Seleucia- Ctesiphon, Yahballaha 3rd  was located in the far away town of Maragha, which is to the south of Tabriz in modern Persin. This is not far from the south-east point of the Lake of Urmia.

The MS has the following passage about the Bishop of India: Governor of the Holy See of the Apostle Mar Thomas in folio 93:

“ And Mar Jacob, Bishop- Metropolitan, Superintendent and Governor of the Holy See of the Apostle Mar Thomas, is our Governor and also of the whole Christian Church of India. The lord may give him strength and help to be our zealous superior, to govern us according to the will of the Lord, to teach us His commandments and to make us walk in His paths in length of days, through the prayer of the holy Apostle Mar Thomas and of all those who are with him. Amen”

2. MS Vatican Syriac 17

a)      About the MS

This MS is a volume of 480 folios. It was completed on the 6^th of Adar (March) of the year 1821 A Gr ( 1510 AD)   by Mar Jacob “ Bishop of Hindo”, who arrived in South India in 1504 AD. It was copied in the Church of Saint Thomas the Apostle, “ in the blessed and famous place Sangalla which is called qrwngalur (Cranganore) which is in Malabar in the country of India”

b)     Contents of the MS

The MS contains the complete ES New testament in the order:  the IV Gospels, Acts, James, Peter, 1 John and XIV Epistles of Saint Paul. In John, the passage of the adulterous woman is lacking. This is the only manuscript known to have been copied by the Metropolitan Mar Jacob himself.  Between folio.477 and folio. 478 a leaf has been taken away. On f.477 v, line 12, a word has been erased in the middle of the line, which may have been done by Mar Jacob himself. The Bishop copied this MS for his disciple ” for his blessed son and pure deacon and trusty levite .. Giwargis, son of the noble Joseph, son of Giwargis of the blessed village mnwr, he prays that the Lord may give the reader to profit from the contents By the prayers of the blessed Mart Maryam and the Apostle Saint Thomas.”

This is the oldest known New Testament copy  from India.

3. Conclusion

There are scores of  evidence from extant manuscripts associating many East Syrian prelates with India and the hierarchical relationship Church of India shared with Patriarch of Seleucia- Ctesiphon of the Church of East. There are references about David of Basrah ( ca.295 AD), John of Persia and Greater India ( 325 AD), Mar Komai ( 425 AD), Ma’na of Riwarddasir ( Persia) ( 470 AD), a Persian bishop whose name is not known ( 535 AD),  Patriach Sabrisho I ( 6/7th century), Bishop Thomas ( 8th century), Mar Sabrisho and Mar Peroz ( 9th century), Mar Jacob (14^th Century).Precise evidence is available in the letters of two East Syrian Patriarchs, Mar Ishoyahb III ( 647/8 or 650/1) and Mar Timothy I ( 780-823 AD). Patriarch Thimothy in 8th Century calls Archdeacon ( Arken), head of faithful of India.

Of these, the locally scribed MS Vatican Syriac 22 & MS Vatican Syriac 17 gives evidence on the nature, faith, constitution, rite, Eucharistic liturgy, Bishops, Patriarch and the hierarchical relationship of the Indian Christian community in South India before the advent of the Portuguese. The local scribe aged 14 years old Zakharya bar Joseph bar Zakharya of MS Vatican Syriac 22 had very good knowledge of Syriac as commented by Assemani and J P M Van der Ploeg.

The titles given in the MS Vatican Syriac 22 for Mar Jacob is  “Metropolitan, Superintendent and Governor of the Holy See of the Apostle Mar Thomas, and also of the whole Christian Church of India”. The Patriarch of Seleucia- Ctesiphon of Church of East who is mentioned in the 14^th century manuscript is Mar Yahballaha the 3^rd ( 1283-1317) though given in the manuscript wrongly by the scribe as Mar Yahabllaha the 5th.

The title given in the MS Vatican Syriac 17 for  the Metropolitan Mar Jacob “ Bishop of Hindo”. Mar Jacob was consecrated by Patriarch: Eliah V ( 1502-1503) in 1503 AD. Other two MS, Vatican Syriac 204 MSS and MS Syr 25.f.7r of the Bibliotheque Nationale of Paris contains the letter sent by Mar Yahballaha, Mar Thomas, the Metropolitans and Mar Denha, Mar Jacob ,the Bishops after their arrival in South India in 1504 AD. Mar Jacob became the Metropolitan after the death of Mar Yahballaha and continued until his death in 1533 AD.

MS Vatican Syriac 22, was copied at the Church of Mar Quriaqos, Cranganore, South India. MS Vatican Syriac 17, was copied at Church of Saint Thomas, Cranganore, South India.The long line of east Syrian prelates ended with the demise of Mar Abraham who died in Malabar in 1597.According to Bishop Francis Roz ( 1604 AD) who succeeded Mar Abraham , based on a Chaldean book he has read, there were three Churches in Cranganore. One was dedicated to the Apostle Thomas, another one to Saint Kuriakose, and  the third one was dedicated to Our Lady.

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Author can be reached on admin at nasrani dot net
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1. J P M Van Der Ploeg, The syriac manuscripts of Saint Thomas Christians
2. Levi della Vida, Ricerhe sulla Formazione del piu antico fondo dei Manoscritti Orientali della Biblioteca Vaticana
3. J P M Van Der Ploeg, The syriac manuscripts of Saint Thomas Christians
4. Assemani, Catalogue, Vol II p.174, E Tisserant, Specimina Codicum Orientalium
5. J P M Van Der Ploeg, The syriac manuscripts of Saint Thomas Christians
6. J P M Van Der Ploeg, The syriac manuscripts of Saint Thomas Christians

• Surviving MSS- Old Testament Manuscripts, Psalms and New Testament Manuscripts of Christians of Saint Thomas
• “The Arrival of the Portuguese in India and the Thomas Christians under Mar Jacob 1498-1552” by Dr. Mathias Mundadan
• Mission of Pantaenus in India and Saint Bartholomew, the Apostle in India
• SRITE- Project for Preserving the Manuscripts of the Syrian Christians in India
• ‘The Indian Christians of St. Thomas’ by Dr. Leslie Brown
• ‘Origin of Christianity in India’ by Dr.Benedict Vadakkekara
• ‘The Thomas Christians’ by Placid Podipara

Thomas Christians of India are one of the most ancient Christian communities in the World. Apostle Thomas founded the Church in India in the first century itself. Tradition says that Apostle Thomas landed at Kodungalloor in AD 52 and founded 7 and half communities in the Malabar coast. Even though there is no solid historical evidence of this, considering the available historical, archaeological evidences and logical thought, many researchers and historians have concluded that the visit of Apostle Thomas is possible. There are solid grounds for believing that there was a Christian community that existed in Kerala in the very early period.

The arrival of Apostle Thomas in North West India is now, an accepted story, especially after the discovery of coins with the name of the Parthian King Gondophoros in the region, which validate the story in the apocryphal Acts of Judas Thomas.¹ After a critical study about the apocryphal work ‘Acts of Judas Thomas’ J N Farquhar, who was a Professor of Comparative Religion in Manchester University argues that the legend of Thomas Apostle coming to Musiris where a large number of Jews, Greeks Romans and others lived and preached the Gospel and founded Christian communities among them, or in simple words, the Apostolate of Thomas in South India is on balance of probability, is distinctly on the side of historicity.²

The widespread presence of Pahlavi inscribed granite crosses in south India are the most ancient antiquities available about the history of Thomas Christians in the region. They denote the presence of a Christianity related to Persia. Eminent Pahlavi scholar B T Anklesaria has commented that the most ancient of these crosses, the one found at Alengadu could be of AD 340 or earlier but later than AD 302, (depending on the style of the letters and use of adjuncts, comparing to the styles seen in the ancient coins excavated, manuscripts and inscriptions). As the Pahlavi language died out by AD 650, many of the scholars put the age of these crosses as AD 650. ³

East Syrian Connection

Thomas Christians have always been under the jurisdiction of more advanced Christianity in Mesopotamia and Persia. There are hints from ancient literature that Apostle Thomas had sent letters to the Church in Edessa from India. Cureton in ‘Ancient syriac documents’ comments about Apostle Thomas’ letters received in the Church of Edessa. J N Farquhar, after critically analysing the possibilities, states that as there was a Bishop in Edessa from the time of Mar Addai, and there were no Bishops In India, the Christians would have corresponded with them and recognised the supremacy of Edessa.⁴

There is plenty of documentary evidence to show the connection of the Church in India to the Church of the East. Alphonse Mingana, after studying numerous ancient documents and manuscripts, commented that “any attempt to speak of early Christianity in India as different from the East Syrian church, is, in our judgement, bound to fail”.⁵

Early Christian Church.

The Early Christianity was evolved in three different cultures- Syriac, Greek and Latin.⁶ Syriac Christianity evolved as a separate strand alongside the Latin and the Greek.⁷

It is believed that Aramaic was the language of our Lord Isho M’shiha and his disciples. It was the language of early Christians. The early Christians were Syriac speaking. But later, Christianity developed in Jerusalem and Antioch in a Hellenised culture and hence Greek became the official language.⁸ Greek language and hellenic culture, during the time of Isho M’shiha, was like English language and American culture today. Thus, the development of the primitive church was rooted in Greek language and hellenic culture. Alexandria and Constantinople were the Great Centres of Greek Christianity.

Rome was the centre of the Christianity in Latin. Latin was the language of the West. Irenius preached the gospel in Latin in Lyons. By second and third century, enough writings and documents including translations of the gospel were produced in the west in Latin.

Evolution of East Syriac Church.

Aramaic or Syriac was the language of our Lord Isho M’shiha and his disciples. It was in the same language that the angels spoke to Marth Mariam( Saint Mary), Mar Yawsep ( Saint Joseph), and Zacharias, the father of Yohannan Mamdana( John the Baptist). It was also the same language that broke out from heaven when our Lord Isho M’shiha was baptised in the river Jordan. Thus, Syriac was the language of heaven in which the mysteries of the salvation of human kind was revealed.
Many of the Aramaic words are still preserved in the Bible, even after several translations to translations into different languages and cultures. Examples are ‘Amen’, ‘Maranatha’, calling God almighty as ‘Abba’ (Rom 8:15 and Gal 4:6)and the last words of Our Lord Isho M’shiha on the cross- ‘Eloi, Eloi (actually Elahi) lama sabachthani’ (Mark 15:34)

Syriac Christianity evolved around Edessa and adjacent parts of Mesopotamia. The Syriac school at Edessa and Saint Ephraim of Edessa nurtured the early Syriac Church. All the ancient Syriac churches were founded by either Thomas the Apostle or his disciples. The Assyrian Church in Mesopotamia was one of the very first Churches founded in Apostolic times. Acts of Apostles mentions about the presence of Assyrians on the day of Pentecost . (Acts 2,9) Very ancient Syriac writings such as ‘The Doctrine of Addai’, ‘The Chronicles of Arbela’ and ‘The teachings of the Tweleve Apostles’ mention that Saint Thomas sent Thaddeus and Mari to preach Abgar Ukkama the Black, the King of Assyrians at Osrhoene (Edessa).⁹ Eusebius, the father of Church history also witnesses in AD 325 that he personally searched the state archives of the Assyrians in the capital city of Edessa and found official records of this Apostolic visit .¹⁰ Apostle Thomas is believed to have gone to Parthia and India to evangelise.

The Church of India and The Church of Persia claim to be founded by the Apostle Thomas himself. South Indian tradition supported by a large number of ancient writings talk about the Apostle’s visit to South India. The Church of Fars also claim that their church was founded by Apostle Thomas.¹¹ Thus, the Churches of Edessa, Seleusia-Ctesiphon of Babylon, Persia and India constitute the Thomasine Churches and these Syriac churches consolidated under the banner of the Church of the East due to their linguistic and cultural relationship. They were interlinked from the early period itself.

But the East Syriac Church, the communion of early Syriac churches which happened to be under the Persian empire did not want to be under the Patriarchate of Antioch which was in the Roman Empire. This had political influence due to the feud between Persian and Roman empires. Initially, the Church of the East- the Syriac church was supported by the Patriarchate of Antioch even in the midst of political strifes. But, for survival, the leaders of the Church of the East adopted a nationalistic strategy and declared independence from the Patriarch of Antioch and declared their Catholicose as the Patriarch of the Church.

Evolution of Hierarchy in India

Initial period

Apostle Thomas might have consecrated Priests and Bishops for Thomas Christians. Tradition names two Bishops Kepa and Paul whom the Apostle consecrated. But no solid evidence available.¹²

Was there a local congregation and priestly ministry in the early period ?

Photius in his ‘Bibliotheca’ quotes Arian Philostrogius about Theophilus, the Indian in AD 354, ‘Thence he sailed to other parts of India , and reformed many things which were not rightly done among them; for they heard the reading of the Gospel in a sitting posture…..’¹³ This quote confirms about presence of a faithful congregation, regular celebration of liturgy where Gospels were read and thus, presence of at least a Priestly ministry. We have to assume that the congregation was indigenous on the account of the peculiar practices found among them such as receiving the Gospel reading in sitting posture. Mingana says ‘There is hardly any reasonable doubt , therefore that the Christian community in India in about AD 354 was an indigenous community, not much in touch with the practices prevalent in Graeco Roman Churches , and was somewhat similar to the East Syrian Church before the time of the Catholicose Papa’.¹⁴

Cosmas Indicopleustes who travelled during the period AD 520-525 vouches that there were Christian congregations in Taprobane(Ceylon) in the Indian sea and also in the land called Male( Malabar) where pepper grows. He also found Bishops in Kalliana( Kalyan) and Dioscoris(Socotora) who were appointed from Persia.¹⁵ The author of Periplus of the Erythrean sea also confirms about the pepper trade from Musiris,(Kodungalloor) Cottonora( Kuttanadu) and Barake (Purakkadu port).¹⁶

So there should not be any question about the identity of Male in the writings of Cosmas Indicapleustes. Cosmas Indicapleustes also clarifies that there were Christian Churches among the Indians besides Bactrians, Huns, Persians, Greeks and so on confirming that the Christian community was native Indians. ‘….and also among the Bactrians and Huns and Persians, and the rest of the Indians, and among the Persarmenians and Greeks and Elamites, and throughout the whole land of Persia, there is an infinite number of churches with Bishops and a vast multitude of Christian people , and they have many martyrs and recluses leading a monastic life. Note the usage ‘and the rest of the Indians’. In contrast, Cosmas Indicapleustes clearly states that the native people in Ceylone were different from the Christians.¹⁷

Dependence on the Church of Fars for Episcopal Ministry

Chronicles of Seert narrates that Mana, the Bishop of Rewardushir ( Fars- South Persia) wrote religious discourses, canticles and hymns in Pahlavi language and translated the works of Diodore and Theodore of Mopseustia into Syriac and sent them to India and the islands of the sea.¹⁸ This shows the ecclesiastical connection of the Indian Church with that of Fars. The recent excavation of Pahlavi Psalter from Turfan in China which is now kept in the museum of Berlin validates this information from Chronicles of Seert.¹⁹

Missionary Bishops

Bishop is the English word for the Greek word Episcopa. Bishops are the successors of the Apostles. They are consecrated members of the clergy who oversee a local church. They are teachers of the Doctrine of the Church²⁰, ( Mathew 28:19) priests of the divine worship and ministers of governance.²¹ In the ancient church, it is narrated that Bishops were elected by the clergy and the community. As the position of a Bishop in the Roman Empire gained importance and even power, this gradually changed and the Emperors started influencing the election of Bishops. As the Bishop of Rome gained importance, the powers and influence exerted by the Emperors shifted to the Popes.

Church of the East was called the Church of Fire due its intense missionary zeal. As missionary activities increased, the church started sending missionaries to other places to spread the gospel, they sent teachers and Bishops from the mother church. The Great Syriac schools were in Edessa (second century) and Nisibis. Thus, the Bishops who are the official teachers of the doctrine of the church would have been from these great centres. This would explain the reasons for the Bishops for the Church of Malabar coming from Babylon and Persia. Examples are seen in western Church also. Archbishop Theodore who was the Archbishop of Canterbury(AD 668-690) was from Tarsus, near Antioch. He was a monk in a monastery in Rome and was consecrated as a Bishop and sent to England.

We can see people from India had gone to Babylon to study in these great Schools. Mingana describes about Daniel, the Indian Priest who was in Edessa, was involved in translation of Pauline Epistles from Greek into Syriac.²² Indian Priest Daniel might have been consecrated as a Bishop in one of the provinces of the Church of the East.

The first Bishop of India seen in historical documents is Bishop David of Basra in about AD 295. Mingana thinks that the seat of Bishop David of Basra could have been somewhere in the Malabar Coast.²³ The second bishop seen in the history is Bishop John of Persia and India who attended the council if Nicea (AD 325) Mingana also narrates about Bishop Joseph of Edessa who was sent by the Catholicose of the East to Malabar in AD 345.²⁴

The Church of Fars was elevated as a Metropolitan Church by Patriarch Isaac (AD 399-410) or Patriarch Yahb Alaha (AD 415-420) ²⁵ Thus, the Church of India became under the jurisdiction of the Church of Fars and Bishops were consecrated by the Metropolitan of Fars from time to time since then.

Metropolitan of India

Patriarch Isho Yahb III (650-660) in a letter, accused the Metropolitan of Fars ( South Persia) that he denied Episcopal consecration to Indian church for simony. ‘ Remember with these, O our God loving brother, that as you closed the door of the Episcopal ordination in the face of the many peoples of India and you impeded the gift of God for sake of perishable gains….’²⁶

This letter confirms that there existed in India a regular hierarchy attached to the Church of Fars. This dispute might have been caused by the Metropolitan of Fars asking money for Bishopric consecration. It may imply that, until that time, the prelates were Indian natives and the Indian church community had to pay a lump sum of money to the Metropolitan of Fars to get consecration. Somehow, the Catholicose Patriarch at Selucia-Ctesiphone was informed of this situation that necessitated him to intervene.

Ibn Al Tayib mentions that Patriarch Isho Yahb II (628-643) raised the Indian Church to a Metropolitan Church with some six to twelve suffragans under him, as the number of Christians increased significantly in the region. This would separate the Indian Church from the jurisdiction of the Metropolitan of Fars, but directly under the Patriarch, as a Metropolitan cannot be under another Metropolitan. The Metropolitan of Fars did not like this idea to detach the Indian Church from his jurisdiction and this could be the reason for the dispute challenging the authority of the Patriarch Isho Yahb III . ²⁷ It seems that the decision could not have been implemented due to the resistance from the Metropolitan of Fars.
To rectify this situation, Patriarch Isho Yahb III or the next Patriarch Sliba Zacha raised Indian Church into a Metropolitanate, independent of the Church of Fars and directly put under the Patriarch.²⁸

Patriarch Thimothy I(780-823) in his letter give us a hint that the Metropolitan was selected locally by the people in the presence of suffragan Bishops and was enthroned by placing the letter of the Patriarch on his head.²⁹ This confirms that Metropolitans were elected and enthroned locally. There is a possibility that they were native Indians.

Independent Metropolitanate- A Particular Church

Synodical canons of Abdisho narrates that the Metropolitans of India, China and Samarkand and other remote lands were exempted from attending the general synods of the East Syrian Church.³⁰ Patriarch Theodosius (852-859) stipulated that the Metropolitans of India and China need report to the Patriarch only once in six years rather than every year for the other Metropolitans.³¹ These show that the Patriarchate of Seleusia-Ctesiphon seems to have considered the Indian Church as a Particular Church with a certain autonomy.

Metropolitan and Gate of all India ( Metropolitan u-Thara d- kollah Hendo)-The Throne of Saint Thomas

The Metropolitan of the Church of Saint Thomas was called Metropolitan and The Gate of All India- Metropolita u thara d kolla Hendo. The term ‘Gate’ means Great authority.³² The Syriac manuscript written in A D 1301 in Cranganore- the Vatican Syriac Codex 22- use the title ‘The Metropolitan of India’.

‘This holy book was written in the Royal, renowned, and famous city of Shingala in Malabar, in the country of India, in the church of the illustrious martyr Mar Cyriacus- May all the faithful be helped by his prayers ! Amen. …..And in the time of the Bishop Mar Jacob, Metropolitan and director of the Holy see of the Apostle Saint Thomas , that is to say, our director and the director of all the holy church of Christian India…..’ ³³

Here, the usages- ‘the director of all the holy church of Christian India’- and ‘Metropolitan and director of the Holy see of the Apostle Saint Thomas’ are important, as they denote the concept of the Throne of Saint Thomas and a Quasi Patriarchal status.

Fr Campori S J wrote in AD 1607- ‘according to the information gathered from several Chaldean books and from well known facts, the Bishop of the Serra ( Malabar) was always an Archbishop and is the oldest in the whole of India. Its Archbishops and Prelates were always called Archbishop Metropolitan of All India and of its confines.’ ³⁴

The last Chaldean Bishop, Mar Abraham who was resident in Angamali used the title ‘All India’ in his letters to the Patriarch. ³⁵ Bishop Francis Ros, the very first Latin Rite Bishop of Saint Thomas Christians and Bishop Palliveettil Chandy, the first native Bishop of Catholic Syrians are also reported to have used the title ‘Metropolitan of All India’.

Metropolitan of Angamali, the ‘Rambba d Kolhon Apeskope u Metropolite’- Superior of all the Bishops and Metropolitans.

When the second Chaldean Patriarch Mar Abdisho appointed Mar Abraham as the Metropolitan of Angamali, he conferred the title ‘Rambba d Kolhon Apeskope u Metropolite’- Superior of all the Bishops and Metropolitans.³⁶ . Mar Abdisho in his decree nominating Archdeacon George of Christ as the Bishop of Palayur and Suffragan to Mar Abraham, seems to have authorised Mar Abraham to assemble all the Metropolitans and Bishops and also to elect and consecrate Bishops.³⁷ By this, the Metropolitan of Angamali was given autonomy and authority over other Prelates. Until then, the Metropolitans did not have an assigned seat. This may be a Roman Catholic influence, as this is the first Bishop appointed by the Catholic Chaldean Patriarch, immediately after its formation. So, now, the seat of Metropolitan and Gate of All India has been fixed at Angamali.

Patriarch of India- the testimony of Joseph, the Indian

Joseph the Indian, the famous Indian Cathanaar who visited Europe and the Pope in AD 1501 with Cabral, talks about the Patriarch of India. Joseph was interviewed by the House of Lords of Venice where he explained the hierarchical structure of the Church of Malabar. ‘They have a Supreme Pontiff called Catholica, twelve Cardinals, two Patriarchs, Bishops and Arch bishop’s. Joseph also mentioned that he was ordained as a Priest by this Catholica. Joseph clearly confirms that this Catholica appoints Patriarchs, one for India and one for China.³⁸

We can see from History that Joseph was ordained by Catholicos Simon, the Patriarch of the East, in AD 1490.The famous Syriac letter of the three Bishops Mar Yohannan, Mar Yakkob and Mar Denha in AD 1504 to the Patriarch of Babylon testifies this fact.³⁹

Here, Joseph is clearly stating the hierarchical relations and structure of the Saint Thomas Christians. Their Supreme Pontiff is the Catholicose at Babylon. Under him twelve cardinals. It is unclear, if this position is called Cardinal exactly, as Cardinal is a title in the Roman Church. We can assume that there was a twelve member council immediately under the Catholicos. This reminds us about the 12 canonists under Paremmakkal Thomman Cathanaar, the Governor of the Catholic Syrians.⁴⁰

In the history, we can see Mar Ahathalla comes with a claim that he was a Patriarch for Thomas Christians appointed by the Pope in AD 1653.⁴¹ Kallada Mooppan- Mar Andrews also arrived in AD 1676 with a claim that he was a Patriarch.⁴² These two persons were accepted by the community which confirms that such a title was in use in India. G Schurhammer also comments that the head of the Indian Church was sometimes referred to as Patriarch in a wider sense.⁴³

Lost dignity.

When the Portuguese arrived in Malabar, they found a flourishing Christian community there, lead by Bishops from Babylon. The initial period was friendly but later, they began to find mistakes in the faith of the Thomas Christians and accused heresy . They forced the Thomas Christians to conform with Roman rite. The Thomas Christians resisted against this religio cultural invasion. Even when they yielded with the spiritual authority, they vehemently resisted for any change in their rite. The Portuguese missionaries, as a last resort, convened a diocesan synod at Udayampeeroor( Diamper) in which, they forced the Archdeacon and the Cathanaars to obey to the decisions of the synod which was meant to Latinise the Church of Saint Thomas. Synod of Diamper was definitely a forceful and illegal invasion of Portuguese Missionaries into the affairs of Saint Thomas Christians. The Archbishop of Goa had no jurisdiction over Saint Thomas Christians. Without any special mandate from the Roman Pontiff, he forcefully entered the Archdiocese of Angamali and convened the Diocesan Synod of Diamper. The conduct of the synod was invalid and illegitimate. The Christians were intimidated and threatened with serious punishments to make them obey.⁴⁴

After this infamous Synod of Diamper in 1599, the Church of Saint Thomas Christians became subjected to Latin rite Bishops and the historic connection with the Patriarchate of Chaldeans was broken. The Portuguese Missionaries downgraded the ancient Church of Christians of Saint Thomas into a mere suffragan of the Archdiocese of Goa of Latin rite. Later, due to the resistance of Saint Thomas Christians, the Metropolitanate was reinstated and Archdiocese of Kodungalloor was created with Western Prelates.⁴⁵ Even though the Thomas Christians were subjected to Latin rite prelates in Latin Rite hierarchy, the community consolidated under the leadership of the Archdeacons as a separate rite with its own liturgy and traditions. The Missionaries began to Latinise their rite of worship and tried to eliminate the authority and status of the Archdeacon and thereby dishonour the status of their ancient Church of Malabar. The community secretly tried to get Prelates from the Patriarchate of Chaldeans and other Eastern Churches. The missionaries used their political power to prevent Thomas Christians from contacting any Oriental Churches and they even arrested and deported Mar Ahatalla, a Bishop of Syriac Rite who arrived in Mailappore in AD 1653.⁴⁶

The Great Revolt and the unfortunate Division- Puthencoor and Pazhayacoor

The Thomas Christians rose up and revolted against the Portuguese in AD 1653 in the historic Coonan Cross Oath and consecrated the Archdeacon Palliveettil Thomas as the Bishop of Thomas Christians. This revolt was nearly complete and that shocked the Missionaries.⁴⁷ Rome intervened and Carmelite Missionaries were sent to win the Thomas Christians back. Carmelites could convince the majority of Thomas Christians that the consecration of the Archdeacon Thomas was invalid as the consecration was conducted not by any Bishops, but by twelve priests only. Rome appointed Carmelite Missionary, Joseph Maria Sebastiani as the Bishop for Saint Thomas Christians. Many leaders of the community rejoined the missionaries. Due to political reasons, Portuguese Missionaries had to leave the country and they consecrated Palliveettil Chandy Cathanaar as the Bishop for the Catholic Thomas Christians in 1663.⁴⁸ Thus, the majority of Thomas Christians consolidated under the native Bishop Palliveettil Chandy, keeping their Syro Chaldean rite of worship.

As Bishop Palliveettil Chandy was legitimately consecrated as a Bishop, Archdeacon Thomas tried to get a legitimate Bishopric consecration. He sent letters to different Eastern Churches. Due to political reasons, many of them were helpless. Archdeacon Thomas started negotiations with the Jesuites for a submission without humiliation.⁴⁹ In AD 1665, a Syrian Prelate Mar Gregorius arrived in Calicut. This raised the hopes of Archdeacon Thomas and strengthened his position and he withdrew from the negotiations.

The community became explicitly divided between Bishop Chandy and Archdeacon Thomas. Those who remained in status quo- continued the previous 100 years of communion with the Rome were labelled as Pazhayacoor- the old loyalists and those who aligned behind the new Bishop Mar Gregorius were labelled as Puthencoor- the new loyalists.⁵⁰

Evolution of the Thomas Christians after the division.

Evolution of Pazhayacoor

The community of the Thomas Christians who continued the status quo- remained in communion with the Rome – the Catholics of Syro Chaldean rite became the Syro Malabar Church. After Bishop Palliveettil Chandy, the Catholic Syrians had to continue under Latin Bishops until 1896. But, they continued their struggle for independence, autonomy and to protect their Syro Chaldean Rite.

Many of the Latin trained cathanars were loyal to the Roman Catholic Authorites and the Missionaries. But the community as a whole was unhappy.

There were several attempts for reinstating the jurisdiction of the Chaldean Patriarch. Several letters and delegations were sent to Babylon. Due to resistance of the Roman Catholic Missionaries, Chaldean Patriarchs were helpless. In AD 1797, a four member delegation was sent to the Chaldean Patriarch (Patriarch of the Chaldean rite) in Bagdad by Paremmakkal Thomman Cathanaar, the Governor of the Catholic Syrians.⁵¹ As a result of this, one of the members of the delegation, Paul Pandari was ordained as a Priest and then consecrated as a Bishop with the name Mar Abraham and was sent to Malabar in AD 1798. Later, in AD 1861, Mar Thomas Rokos and in AD 1874, Mar Elias Melus, both were sent from the Chaldean Patriarch in Babylon, on the request of the Catholic Syriac Christians. All these created some minor divisions, but Rome instructed the Patriarch of the Chaldeans to recall these Bishops. Some of the followers of Mar Melus eventually contacted the Patriarch of the non Catholic Church of the East- Patriarch of the Assyrians- and formed the Church of the East in India.

The prominent leaders of the Pazhayacoor were for status quo and were resistant to leave the communion with Rome and hence remained obedient to Rome, as did the Patriarch of Chaldeans. The community continued their struggle to have a hierarchy of its own rite- the Syro Chaldean rite- with native Bishops. Seeing the success of Mar Rokos and Mar Melus, Rome sent a few Apostolic visitors to study the situation. Rev Leo Meurin S J in 1875 and Rev Igantius Pertico in 1876 arrived in Malabar.⁵² As a result, the Hierarchy of Catholics of the Syro Chaldean rite was restored in AD 1887 with the erection of Kottayam and Trichur vicariates for the Catholic Thomas Christians, separating them from the Latin rite Catholics.⁵³ In 1896, native Prelates were appointed in Kottayam and Trichur vicariates and also in the newly created Ernakulam vicariate.⁵⁴ In 1923, Ernakulam vicariate was elevated as an Archdiocese and the Church became a Metropolitan Church.⁵⁵ In 1992, Syro Malabar Church was elevated to a Major Archiepiscopal Church with Padiyara Mar Anthonius I as the first Major Arch Bishop.⁵⁶ Initially, the Major Arch Bishop of Syro Malabar Church was not given the full powers as specified in the Oriental canon Law due to the differences existed in the church.

The first and second Major Archbishops were nominated by the Supreme Pontiff, the Pope of Rome. During the time of the second Major Arch Bishop Vithayathil Mar Giwargis I, the Holy Synod of Syro Malabar Church was given full powers including election of the Father and Head of the Church.

In 2011, after the sad demise of Vithayathil Mar Giwargis I Bava, the Holy Synod of Syro Malabar Church canonically elected a new Father and Head of the Church and Alencheril Mar Giwargis II Bava was enthroned as the new Major Archbishop. This is the first time, the Syro Malabar Church was executing the powers to elect its Father and head of the Church, thereby recapturing the lost status of ‘Metropolitan and the Gate of All India’.

In this evolution of Syro Malabar Church, one cannot forget the efforts and sufferings of many forefathers of the community. To name some of them, Paremmakkal Thomman Cathanaar, Cariattil Mar Yawsep Metropolita, Nidheerickal Mani Cathanaar and Rev Dr Placid Podipara. The Thomas Christians fiercely fought against the foreign missionaries to preserve their rite and liturgy. During the evolution of Syro Malabar church in a strongly latinised environment, it was Rev Dr Placid Podipara who guided the church and the leaders in the right path to preserve our Apostolic Christianity. As a Consulter of the Holy See, he argued for the legitimate rights of Syro Malabar Church as a Particular Church and the right for expansion of its territory of jurisdiction and for correction of its mutilated liturgy. The Syro Malabar church would have evolved into a mere offshoot of the Latin rite in Kerala without the efforts of Rev Dr Placid. . Without having the awareness of our identity, the Church would have gone to a path of merging with the Latin rite terminating the existence of the Catholic Thomas Christian rite of Malabar.⁵⁷

Evolution of the Puthencoor- The Jacobite Syrians.

It is believed that Mar Gregorius consecrated Archdeacon Thomas as a Bishop. Thus, a succession of Mar Thoma Metropolitans lead the Puthencoor commmunity. They used the same Syro Chaldean rite. They could reinstate some of the Syrian traditions abolished by the Synod of Diamper, but continued the Latinised Syro Chaldean rite, as people were resistant to change, in a volatile situation of power struggle to control the community by Mar Chandy and Mar Thoma Metropolitans. The new way of celebrating the Liturgy by Mar Gregorius raised dissatisfaction and Archdeacon Thomas had to persuade him to use the local rite.⁵⁸. Thus, Mar Gregorius was not in a position to introduce the new Antiochian rite among the Puthencoor community.⁵⁹

Several Prelates from the Patriarchate of Antioch came to Malabar. They wanted to subjugate the Puthencoor to the Patriarchate of Antioch. But the Mar Thoma Metropolitans resisted and wanted to keep their hereditary succession. But they had to yield to the Prelates from Antioch due to political reasons.

1 The Roman Catholic authorities always propagated that the Bishopric consecration of the succession of Mar Thoma Metropolitans were illegitimate.⁶⁰ The Prelates from Antioch also started bargaining with Puthencoor community and accused that these consecrations were invalid. They wanted full submission of Puthencoor to the Patriarchate of Antioch. Thus, Mar Thoma VI received valid consecration from Antiochian prelates Mar Ivanios and Mar Gregorius who arrived in AD 1751 and received the name Mar Dionysius I, as per the Antiochene tradition. But Mar Dionysius I also was not ready for a full submission.

2.In AD 1705, Mar Gabriel arrived in Malabar from the Patriarchate of Assyrians. A large number of Puthencoor and Pazhayacor joined him as he used the original rite. After his death, all of them returned to their own groups. Mar Gabriel weakened the position of Mar Thoma IV. This might have forced him to seek help from the Patriarchate of Antioch.

3. Later, the Protestant Missionaries influenced the Puthencoor community and caused unrest. To tackle this, the Mar Thoma Metropolitans wanted an affiliation to a Major church. Always their first choice was the Pazhayacoor community, as a united community, it would be a strong force, but due to the strong opposition from the Latin Missionaries, the Pazhayacoor community and the leaders were helpless, not to forget the efforts of Paremmakkal Thomman Cathanaar and Kariattil Youseph Metropolita in the 18th century and Nidheerickal Mani Cathanar in the 19th century.

Thus, the Puthencoor community had to submit to the Church of Antioch and adopt Antichene rite gradually.

The Antiochian Prelates arrived in 1751 tried to create a group among Puthencoor to favour them and used every opportunity for that. They consecrated Kattumangattu Kurian rampan as a rival Bishop with the name Mar Coorillose in AD 1772. This was the beginning of Thozhiyur Church.

The Anglican Missionaries influenced the Puthencoor community. This created some division. In order to get rid of the Protestant influence, Mar Dionysius IV had to accept the jurisdiction of the Patriarch of Antioch in Malabar.( Mavelikkara padiyola) Later, some of the Puthencoor community joined the Anglican Church and formed the CMS and then Church of South India. Still, the differences in opinion continued. In 1843, Mathews Mar Athanasius was consecrated as Bishop by the Jacobite Patriarch in Antioch, as a rival to the traditional Mar Thoma Metropolitan Mar Dionysius IV. The subsequent division created Mar Thoma Syrian Church which follow the principles of Protestant reformation.

The Puthencoor community always had differences on the account of the authority of the Syrian Orthodox Patriarch. The Mar Thoma Metropolitans did not want to be under the temporal jurisdiction of the Church of Antioch. Mar Dionysius V even negotiated with the Roman Catholic Church for a reunion with Pazhayacoor to form a single church along with Nidheerickal Mani cathanar of Pazhayacoor. They all failed. Patriarch of Antioch Moran Mar Abdulla came to Kerala in 1909 and claimed his jurisdiction over the Puthencoor. Mar Dionysius VI did not agree with it. The Patriarch excommunicated Mar Dionysius VI and consecrated more Bishops on his side. Thus the community split into two.- one favouring the jurisdiction of the Patriarch of Antioch and the other opposing to it. Mar Dionysius VI contacted an ex Patriarch Abdul Messiah II who was a deposed Patriarch who arrived in Kerala in 1912 and consecrated a few Bishops and enthroned a Catholicos as the Head of the Church-the Catholicos of the East. Later, both parties had some reconciliation and in 1931, the excommunications were withdrawn and both recognised each other. In 1964, due to differences among the two groups, the Patriarch of Antioch Moran Mar Igantius Yakkub III established a Catholicos for the Jacobite faction also.

In this volatile circumstances, a group of Puthencoor community under the leadership of Mar Ivanios Metropolitan, joined the Catholic Communion in AD 1932. They are called Syro Malanakra Church. They continued to use West Syriac Liturgy. They are now, a Sui iuris Church in the Universal Catholic communion with a Major Archbishop as the head. The Holy Synod of the Syro Malankara Church has decided to call their Major Archbishop, a Catholcos.

The Supreme Hierarchs of Thomas Christians today.

a. The Pazhayacoor-(The Old loyalists, The old Rite-East Syriac Rite)

Syro Malabar Church

The Syro Malabar Church today is a Sui iuris Church in the Universal Catholic Communion. They have a supreme Synod of Bishops who appoint Bishops, make decisions about the liturgy and practices and elects their Father and Head of the church- the Major Archbishop. They accept the Pope of Rome as the supreme Pontiff. They use the Syro Chaldean liturgy today which is one of the most faithful to the ancient East Syriac Liturgy that was in use by Al Quosh Patriarchs before the Chaldean division of AD 1552.⁶¹

The Church of the East in India.

They are part of the Church of the East. They use the East Syriac Liturgy. They function as a province of the Assyrian Church of the East with a Metropolitan.

b. The Puthencoor ( The New Loyalists, The New Rite- The West Syriac Rite)

The Jacobite Syrian Church.

They are part of the Syriac Orthodox Church of Antioch. The head of the Syriac Orthodox Church in India is named as a Catholicose. They use West Syriac Liturgy. Their supreme Pontiff is the Syriac Orthodox Patriarch of Antioch and the Catholicos as the Father and Head in India.

The Indian Orthodox Church

The Indian Orthodox Church is an autocepahalus Church with the Catholicos as its Universal Father and Head. They use West Syriac Liturgy.

Mar Thoma Syriac Church

An autocephalus Church lead by a Metropolitan. They are reformed Syriac Christians on the Protestant principles. They use modified West Syriac liturgy.

Syro Malanakara Church

This is a Sui iuris Church in the Universal catholic Communion. They have a supreme synod of Bishops who elect their Father and Head of the Church- The Major Archbishop. They have named their major Archbishop as Catholicos. They use West Syriac Liturgy.

The Malabar Independent Syrian Church- Thozhiyur Church

Autocephalus Metroplitan Church in Kerala. They use west Syriac liturgy.

Thus we have 3 Catholicoses now, the Indian Orthodox, the Jacobite and the Syro Malankara. They are claiming the Catholicos position of the East Syriac Church while using West Syriac liturgy and practices. The actual title of the West Syriac rite was Maphriana.

The Syro Malabar Church is lead by a Metropolitan with some quasi Patriarchal powers ( The Major Archbishop) which was the original status.

The Mar Thoma Syrian Church and the Malabar Independent Syrian Church are autocephalus Churches lead by a Metropolitan.

Scope for a Patriarch of Thomas Christians

There are seven denominations of Thomas Christians exist today. Many of these individual churches can declare its hierarchical head as a Patriarch.

It is unlikely that the Jacobite Church in India and the Church of the East in India- The Chaldeans of Trichur consider to declare their head as Patriarch as they are already under their respective Patriarchs- the Patriarch of the Syrian Orthodox Church of Antioch and the Patriarch of the Assyrians.

Syro Malabar Church and Syro Malanakara Churches can have their Pontiffs as Patriarchs as the Universal Catholic Church has Eastern Patriarchs but unlikely in the present scenerio. Moreover, the title of Major Archbishop is almost equal to that of a Patriarch.

The Indin Orthodox Church, The Mar Thoma Syrian Church and the Malabar Independent Syriac Church are autocephalous and can declare their Pontiffs as a Patriarch at any time as they wish.

Conclusion

There is a scope for a Patriarch of Saint Thomas Christians. It is very unlikely that all the different denominations of Saint Thomas Christians would unite together at any time. But, they can come under confederation or communion of Thomas Christians under a single Patriarch with different Catholicoses and Major Archbishops under him. The Churches in Communion with the Universal Catholic Church and the Syriac Orthodox Church of Antioch and different autocephalous churches can be part of this confederation which will be practical move for the unity of Thomas Christians. Let us hope for that day when all the children of Apostle Thomas come under a Patriarch.

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Author M Thomas Antony can be reached by email at – m dot Thomas dot antony at live.co.uk.
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2. 2. J N Farquhar, Apostle Thomas in South India, Bulletin of John Rylands University Library, Vol xi 1927 p 49
3. 3.B T Anklesaria, The Pahlavi inscription on the crosses in Southern India, in The Journal of K R Cama Oriental Institute, Bombay, vol 39, 1958, p80
4. 4. J N Farquahar, Thomas in South India, Bulletin of John Rylands University Library vol XI 1927 p 37
5. 5.Alphonse Mingana, Early spread of Christianity in India, The Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, vol 10 p440
6. 6 Archbishop Mar Joseph Powathil, ‘Syriac tradition; Authentically Asian form of Christianity’, Inaugural address of the World Syriac Congress at Kottayam,4th September, 1994
7. 7. Dietmar W Winkler, The “Apostolic Church of the east”, a brief introduction to the writing of church history and to terminology, in ‘The Church of the East; A concise History, Wilhelm Baum, Dietmar W Winkler Rutledge,p2
8. 8.J Oswald Dykes, From Jerusalem to Antioch, London, 1874, pp 412-415
9. 9. Stephen Andrew Missick, Mar Thoma, the Apostolic Foundation of the Assyrian Church and the Christians of Saint Thomas in India, Journal of Assyrian Academic Studies, vol XIV, No 2, 2000, pp35-36 citing Alexander Roberts and James Donaldson, Eds. The Writings of the Fathers down to AD 325: Ante Nicene Fathers vol 8 Peabody, Massachusetts, Hendrickson Publications 1994, p657-672.
10. 10.Stephen Andrew Missick, Mar Thoma, the Apostolic Foundation of the Assyrian Church and the Christians of saint Thomas in India, Journal of Assyrian Academic Studies, vol XIV No 2, 2000, pp35-36
11. 11. Bar Hebraeus, Chronicles Ecclesiasticum.iii 169-171 cited by A Mingana, Early Spread of Christianirty in India, The Bulletin of John Rylands University Library, p 467
12. 12..Rev. Dr. Placid Podipara, The Hierarchy of Syro Malabar Church, Collected works of Rev Dr Placid J Podipara, vol 1 p 662
13. 13. A Mingana, Early Spread of Christianity in India, The Bulletin of John Rylands University Library vol 10 p 458
14. 14. A Mingana, opus cit.p 459
15. 15. A Mingana, opus cit. pp 461-2
16. 16. Periplus of the Erythrean Sea Part II containing an account of navigation of the ancients from the Gulf of Elana, the red sea to the land of Ceylon, William Vincent DD, 1805
    “ In conformity with this system, we find, that throughout the whole which the periplus mentions of India, we have a catalogue of the imports and exports only at the two ports of Barugaza and nelkunda, and there seems to be a fixed distinction between the aerticles appropriate to each. Fine muflins and ordinary cottons are the principal commodities of the first, tortoise shell, pearls, precious stones, silk, and above all pepper seems to have been procurable only at the latter. This pepper is said to be brought to this port from Cottonora, generally supposed to be a province of canara, in the neighbourhood of nelkunda, and famous to this hour for producing the best pepper in the world except that of Sumatra.”
    Indian geographical Journal Vol V, VI p236-238 suggests that Barake was on the mouth of river Baris which is the River Pamba and Nelcynda was an inland city on the river. Barake exports pepper from Nelcynda. According to Periplus, Nelcynda was 500 stadia away from Musiris and 120 stadia from Barake. These distances are fairly correct if we take Nelcynda to be Niranom and Barake to be Purakkadu.
17. 17. A Mingana, Early spread of Christianity in India, The Journal of the John Rylands Library vol 10, p 462-463 quoting J W Mc Crindle, Chritian Topography of Cosmas, an Egiptian Monk,, Hakluyt Society 1907 pp 118-121
18. 18. A Mingana, Early spread of Christianity in India, The Journal of the John Rylands Library vol 10 p 460
19. 19.Pius Malekkandathil, Saint Thomas Christians; A Historical analysis of their origin and development upto 9th century AD , in Saint Thomas Christians, Nambudiris Jews and Sangam literature, Ed Bosco Puthur, LRC Publications, Cochin, 2006 p42 citing Gerd Gropp, Christian maritime trade of Sassanian age in the Persian gulf, p 85 and E Schau, Vom Christentum in der Persis, pp 960 ff
20. 20. Council of Trent, Sess. XXIV, De ref., ch. iv; Encyclical of Leo XIII, “Sapientiae christianae”, 10 January, 1890; “Acta Sanctae Sedis”: 1890, XXXII, 385. cited in Catholic encyclopaedia http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/02581b.htm accessed on 10 Jan 2012
21. 21. Code of canon law of Roman Catholic Church, http://www.vatican.va/archive/ENG1104/__P1D.HTM accessed on 10 Jan 2012.
22. 22.Alphonse Mingana, The Early Spread of Christianity in India, The Journal of the John Rylands Library vol 10pp459-460
23. 23 Chronicles of Seert as cited by Alphonse Mingana, Early Spread of Christianity in India , The Journal of the John Rylands Library vol 10p495.
24. 24..Alphonse Mingana, Early Spread of Christianity in India, The Journal of the John Rylands Library vol 10 p 496 citing S Giamil, Genuine Relations pp 578-579
25. 25 .Ibn Al Tayyib quotes that it was Mar Isaac who elevated the Church of Fars to a Metropolitan Church. East Syrian Canonist Adbisho narrates that the Archbishopric was created and organised by Patriarch Yahb Alaha- as cited by. A Mingana, Early Spread of Christianity in India , The Journal of the John Rylands Library vol 10p 496
26. 26. A Mingana, Early spread of Christinity in India, The Journal of the John Rylands Library vol 10 p464
27. 27. A Mingana, op cited p496-497
28. 28. Rev Dr Placid Podipara, The Hierarchy of Syro Malabar Church, in Collected works of Rev Dr Placid J Podipara CMI vol I p666 citing J S Assemani, Bibiliotheca Orientals III p346
29. 29.Rev Dr Placid J Podipara, opus cit. p666 citing Corpus christorum christianorum, textus, 167,pp119, 118;versio 168,pp120,121
30. 30. A Mingana, op cit. p488-9
31. 31. T P Elias, East Syrian Missions to Asia with special reference to Malabar coast from Sixth century to Sixteenth century AD and its influence on Indian Religions Society and Culture, Doctoral Thesis of Mahatma Gandhi University, Kerala, India, p 292
32. 32. Rev Dr Placid Podipara, The Hierarchy of Syro Malabar Church, in Collected works of Rev Dr. Placid J Podipara CMI vol I p666 citing Paulinus S Bartholomeo, India Orientalis Christiana, Roma, 1794, p 88
33. 33. A Mingana, Early Sperad of Christianity in India,The Bulletin of John Rylands University Library, Vol 10 p 501)
34. 34. Placid Podipara, The Hierarchy of Syro Malabar Church, CH IV, in Collected Works of Rev Dr Placid Podipara, vol I p667 -668 citing Archives Roman of the Society of Jesus., GOA, 65 f 4
35. 35. Rev Dr Placid Podipara, The Rise and decline of the Indian Church of saint Thomas Christians, in Collected works of Rev Dr Placid J Podipara, vol I p795 citing Jesuite Archives, Rome, Goa, 65, f 5
36. 36. Mar Abdisho’s letter to the Arch Bishop of Goa on 24/08/1567. The original in syriac is preserved in ARSI Gallia 95-1, f 197.See fascimile in Documenta Indica vol II p 41. Italian translation in A Rabbath, Documents inedits pour servir a l’histoire du Christianisme en Orient II Paris, Leipzig 1910, pp432-434 cited by Jacob Kollamparampil, Sources on the Hierarchical structure of the Saint Thomas Christian church in the pre diamper period, p 171, in ‘The life and nature of Saint Thomas Christian church in the pre diamper period’, ed B Puthur, LRC Kochi, 2000
37. 37. Mar Abdisho’s decree dated 25/08/1567. Portuguese translation in ARSI Goa, 1011, f 463, J Wicki, Documenta Indica VII,pp703-705 cited by Jacob Kollamparampil, , Sources on the Hierarchical structure of the Saint Thomas Christian church in the pre diamper period, p 171, in ‘The life and nature of Saint Thomas Christian church in the pre diamper peroiod’, ed B Puthur, LRC Kochi, 2000
38. 38. Narrations of Joseph, the Indian, Ch 5 Italian, Latin and Dutch texts, Antony Vallavanthara, India in 1500 AD pp168-9,231.
39. 39. Alphonse Mingana, Early Spread of Christianity in India, The Bulletin of John Rylands University Library, vol 10 p468, H Hosten, The Saint Thomas Christians of Malabar AD 1490-1504, Kerala Society Papers series 5 Ed T K Joseph,pp225-226
40. 40. Antony Vallavanthara, India in 1500 AD, foot note 72, p274
41. 41. Joseph Thekkedathu, The troubled days of Francis Garcia, pp 51-52
42. 42. Thomas Whitehouse, Lingerings of Light in the dark land, being researches into the past history and the present condition of the Syrian Church of Malabar, Thomas Whitehouse, p 199
43. 43. G Schurhammer S J, The Malabar Church and Rome during the early Portuguese period and before,Trichinopoly, 1934, F29 cited by Rev Dr Placid Podipara, A short History of Malabar Church, in Collected works of Rev Dr Placid J Podipara, vol I p265
44. 44. Jonas Thaliath, The Synod of Diamper, pp172-173
45. 45. Joseph Thekkedathu, History of Christianity in India, Vol II p75
46. 46. Joseph Thekkedathu, opus cit pp94-95
47. 47. Joseph Thekkedathu, opus cit pp 91-94
48. 48. Joseph Thekkedathu, opus cit pp96-100
49. 49 .Joseph Thekkedathu, opus cit p100
50. 50 .Fr K M George, The Malankara Orthodox Syrian Church; Historical self understanding and identity, Some ecumenical considerations, M Kurian Thomas, Niranam Grandhavary
51. 51 .Archivum Sacrae Congregationis de Propaganda Fide, Acta 168, f. 183 cited by James Puliyurumpil, Pandari Seesma, p 35
52. 52 . Rev Dr Placid Podipara, The Syrian Church of Malabar and its Catholic communion, in Collected works of Rev Dr Placid Podipara CMI vol I Ed.Rev Dr Thomas Kalayil CMI p32)
53. 53. Leo XIII Quod jam Pridem, 20 May 1887, cited in Marthomma Christianikalude Sabha Noottandukaliloode, (Mal), Rev. Dr Kurian Mathothu, Rev Fr Sebastain Nadackal, Palai, p111
54. 54. Pope Leo XIII, Quale Rei Sacrae, 11 August 1896, cited in Marthomma Christianikalude Sabha Noottandukaliloode, (Mal), Rev. Dr Kurian Mathothu, Rev Fr Sebastain Nadackal, Palai, p114
55. 55. Pope Pius IX, Romanae Pontifices, cited in Marthomma Christianikalude Sabha Noottandukaliloode, (Mal), Rev. Dr Kurian Mathothu, Rev Fr Sebastain Nadackal, Palai, p115
56. 56. Pope JohnPaul II, Quae majoris christi Fidelium, 16 December 1992, cited in Marthomma Christianikalude Sabha Noottandukaliloode, (Mal), Rev. Dr Kurian Mathothu, Rev Fr Sebastain Nadackal, Palai, p126
57. 57. Willaim Macomber, History of the Chaldean Mass, Journal of Assyrian Academic Studies,vol XI No 2, p 81 reprint of Worship, Vol.51, No.2 (1977) 107-120.
58. 58 L W Brown, The Indian Christians of Saint Thomas, p111
59. 59 M Kurian Thomas, Niranam Grandhavari, padanavum samshiodhanayum, Sophia books, Malayalam, p32
60. 60. Mar Thoma I had to regularise his consecration from Mar Gregorius. The historians are divided if Mar Thoma I had consecrated his successor in his lifetime. Mar Gregorius died before Mar Thoma I. When Mar Thoma I died, his brother took over as Mar Thoma II. Unfortunately, he died within 6 days of occupying his position. His nephew became his successor with the same name Mar Thoma II as he knew that his predecessor Mar thoma II did not have a valid consecration, as there was no other Bishops present when Mar Thoma I died in AD 1672. It is obvious that this second Mar Thoma II might not have had a consecration as his predecessor had a sudden unexpected death within 6 days of occupying the position. Hence, he tried to to join the Pazhayacoor and negotiated with the Jesuites who offered him the Archdeacon’s position of the whole community under Bishop Palliveetiil Chandy. But, Mar Chandy was unwilling to offer him any position as Mar Chandy wished to keep his nephew Mathew(Archdeacon Kunju Mathai) , the then Archdeacon of the Catholic syrians, in his position. Later, in AD 1681 Mar Andrews- Kallada Mooppan consecrated Mar Thoma II as a Bishop. Even though Mar Andrews claimed as a Patriarch, it became revealed that he was not even a Bishop, but only a priest from Aleppo. ( Joseph Thekkedathu, p 103, Jacob Kollamparampil, The Archdeacon of All India, p176-177 quoting APF CP vol 30, f 336, M Kurian Thomas Niranam Grandhavari p200- discusses and disputes about the tradition that Mar Thoma I alongwith Kallada Mooppan consecrated two Mar Thoma Metroplitans) Thus, there were serious doubts about valid episcopal consecration of two consecutive Mar Thoma Metropolitans after Mar Thoma I.)
61. 61 Willaim Macomber, History of the Chaldean Mass, Journal of Assyrian Academic Studies,vol XI No 2, p 81 reprint of Worship, Vol.51, No.2 (1977) 107-120.Macomber states that the 1960 version of the Syro Malabar mass was one of the most faithful versionsto the Al Quosh version. When the Syro Malabar Church revised the liturgy in 1968 with the introduction of the liturgy in the vernacular, this was diluted with more added Latinisations. These were reverted in the 1986 version which is officially in practice now. Sadly, this official version is not used everywhere in the Syro Malabar Church today.

• MS Vatican Syriac 22 & MS Vatican Syriac 17: Syriac Manuscripts copied in South India
• Sixteenth Century Churches – Churches belonging to Catholics and Syriac Orthodox ( 1818 AD-Statistics)
• ‘The Indian Christians of St. Thomas’ by Dr. Leslie Brown
• SRITE- Project for Preserving the Manuscripts of the Syrian Christians in India
• ‘The St. Thomas Christian Encyclopedia of India’- Volume I -Prof. George Menachery
• “The Arrival of the Portuguese in India and the Thomas Christians under Mar Jacob 1498-1552” by Dr. Mathias Mundadan
• Major Arch Bishop Alencheril Mar Giwargis II Bava-The Patriarch of Syro Malabar Church and The Gate of All India- A Discussion on The Historical Hierarchical Status of The Church of Saint Thomas Christians

Syro-Malabar Church is an Eastern Catholic Church in communion with the Pope of Rome. It is an Apostolic Church founded by Saint Thomas, one of the twelve disciples of Jesus. Syro Malabar Church is the largest group of Saint Thomas Christians. The term Syro Malabar was coined by the Western Missionaries to denote ‘the Syrian Church of Malabar’- those catholics that follow the Syro Chaldean rite.

Sui iuris Churches. ¹

These are the Eastern Rite Churches that are in communion with the Roman Pontiff, the Pope. They are Churches of their own particular law. Syro Malabar Church is one among the 21 sui iuris Churches in the Universal Catholic Church. They consists of 6 Patriarchal Churches, 4 Major Archi Episcopal Churches, 3 Metropolitan Churches and 9 other sui iuris churches.

Patriarchal Churches are the fully developed particular churches with a Patriarch as the head with its own synod and territory. The synod elects the Patriarch and inform the Universal Pontiff, the Pope of Rome. Major Archi Episcopal Churches have a Major Arch Bishop as the head, slightly inferior to the status of a Patriarch. The synod elects the Major Arch Bishop, but needs confirmation by the Pope. Pope can reject the election.

Patriarchal Churches in Catholic communion.

1. Coptic Catholic Church based in Cairo
2. Maronite Church of Lebanon
3. Syriac Catholic Church of Beirut
4. Armenian Catholic Church
5. Chaldean catholic Church
6. Melkite Greek catholic Church

Major Archiepiscopal Churches of Catholic Communion.

1. Syro Malabar Church
2. Syro Malanakra Church
3. Romanian Church
4. Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church

Metropolitan Churches in Catholic Communion

1. Ethiopian Catholic Church,
2. Ruthenian Catholic Church and
3. Slovac Greek Catholic Church

Other sui iuris Churches in Catholic Communion

1. Albanian Greek Catholic Church,
2. Belarusian Greek Catholic Church,
3. Bulgarian Greek Catholic Church,
4. Byzantine Church of the Eparchy of Krizevci,
5. Greek Byzantine Catholic Church,
6. Hungarian Greek Catholic Church,
7. Italo Albanian Catholic Church,
8. Macedonian Greek catholic Church and
9. Russian Catholic Church.

THE SYRO MALABAR CHURCH IN THE CATHOLIC COMMUNION

Thomas Christians were part of East Syrian Church. They came into direct communion with the Church of Rome through the Chaldean Patriarchate with the arrival of Mar Joseph Sulaqa and Mar Elias in AD 1554. Historically, the title of the head of the Church of Saint Thomas was the ‘Metropolitan and the Gate of India’. Ancient documents vouches this. ²

After the infamous Synod of Diamper in 1599, the Church of Saint Thomas Christians became subjected to Latin rite Bishops. The Latin Missionaries broke the historic connection of Thomas Christians with the Patriarchate of Chaldeans and downgraded the ancient Church of Christians of Saint Thomas into a mere suffragan of the Arch diocese of Goa of Latin rite. Later, the Metropolitanate was reinstated and Arch Diocese of Kodungalloor was created with Western Prelates.³ Even though the Thomas Christians were subjected to Latin rite prelates in Latin Rite hierarchy, the community consolidated under the leadership of the Arch Deacons as a separate rite with its own liturgy and traditions. The Missionaries began to impose Latinisations in their rite of worship and tried to eliminate the authority and status of the Arch Deaconate and thereby dishonoured the status of their ancient Church of Malabar. The community secretly tried to get Prelates from the Patriarchate of Chaldeans and other Eastern Churches. The missionaries used their political power to prevent Thomas Christians from contacting with any Oriental Churches and they even arrested and deported Mar Ahatalla, a Bishop of Syriac Rite arrived in Mailappore.⁴

Thomas Christians rose up and revolted against the Portuguese in AD 1653 and consecrated the Arch Deacon Palliveettil Thomas as the Bishop of Thomas Christians. This revolt was nearly complete and that changed the politics.⁵ Rome intervened and Carmelite Missionaries were sent to win the Thomas Christians back. Carmelites could convince the majority that the local church needs Bishops and the consecration of the Arch Deacon Thomas was invalid as the consecration was conducted not by any Bishops, but by twelve priests only. Many leaders of the community rejoined the missionaries and later, due to political reasons, Portuguese Missionaries had to leave the country and they consecrated Palliveettil Chandy Cathanaar as the Bishop for the Catholic Thomas Christians in 1663.⁶ Thus, the majority of Thomas Christians consolidated under the native Bishop Palliveettil Chandy, keeping their Syro Chaldean rite of worship. It is reported that Bishop Palliveettil Chandy applied the historic title ‘The Metropolitan and the Gate of all India’. This title denotes a Quasi Patriarchal status with all India jurisdiction.⁷

This community of the Catholics of Syro Chaldean rite became the Syro Malabar Church. After Bishop Palliveettil Chandy, the Catholic Syriac Christians had to continue under Latin Bishops until 1896. But, they continued their struggle for independence, autonomy and to protect their Syro Chaldean Rite. As a result, the Syro Malabar Hierarchy was established in AD 1887 with the erection of Kottayam and Trichur vicariats for the Catholic Thomas Christians, separating them from the Latin rite Catholics.⁸ In 1896, native prelates were appointed in Kottayam and Trichur vicariats and also in the newly created Ernakulam vicariat.⁹ In 1923, Ernakulam vicariat was elevated as an Arch diocese and the church became a Metropolitan church.¹⁰ In 1992, Syro Malabar Church was elevated to a Major Archiepiscopal Church with Padiyara Mar Anthonius I as the first Major Arch Bishop.¹¹ The first and second Major Arch Bishops were nominated by the Supreme Pontiff, the Pope of Rome. During the time of the second Major Arch Bishop Vithayathil Mar Giwargis I, the Holy Synod of Syro Malabar Church was given full powers including election of the Father and Head of the Church. This is the first time, the Syro Malabar Church was executing its powers to elect the Father and head of the Church canonically. This event actually denote the recapturing of the old status of ‘Metropolitan and the Gate of All India’ which was lost due to Latinisations.

The Holy Synod of Syro-Malabar Church that consists of 44 bishops, commenced on 23rd May 2011, has elected Mar George Alencherry, the Bishop of the Eparchy of Thakkala, as the Father and Head of the church, The Major Arch Bishop.

The title Major Arch Bishop in unknown in Thomasine Christian tradition as it is a title of the Latin Church. The Antiochian Rite Syro Malanakara church in Kerala which was also elevated to Sui iuris church by Rome calls their Major Arch Bishop as Catholicose according to their tradition. Many Syro Malabar faithful wish to call him Patriarch as per the eccelsiological and cultural tradition of Thomasine Christianity in India. The Thomas Christians were ecclesiastically and hierarchically part of the Patriarchate of Chaldeans. As the Syro Malabar Church was bifurcated from the Patriarchate of Chaldeans due to political reasons, the church deserves the same title.

A SHORT BIOGRAPHY OF MAR GIWARGIS II BAVA.¹²

Mar Giwargis Alencherry was born in 1945 in Thuruthy in the Arch Diocese of Changanacherry. Two of his brothers are Priests and a sister is a nun. He had his initial education in local schools and joined the seminary in 1961 at Parel, Changanacherry and then at Saint Joseph’s Pointifical Seminary Alwaye. He passed his degree in Economics with second rank from Saint Berchman’s College, Changanacherry. He was ordained as a Priest in 1972 by the Late Major Arch Bishop Padiyara Mar Antonius I Bava. He then worked as the assistant vicar at the Cathedral church of Changanacherry and Director of the Archdiocesan Faith Formation department. Then he served as the secretary of the Commission for Catechism of the Kerala Catholic Bishops’ Council . He was sent to Paris for higher studies and obtained his Doctorate in Biblical Theology at Sorbonne University and the Catholic Institute.
From 1986, he served as the Director of the Pastoral Orientation Centre of the Kerala Catholic Bishops Council and as a Professor at Saint Thomas Apostolic Seminary and Oriental Institute, Kottayam. He became the protosyncellus of the Metropolitan of Changanacherry in 1994 and in 1996, he was consecrated as the first Bishop of Thakcalay, a mission diocese of the Syro Malabar Church.

As a Bishop, he served the Church as the secretary of the Syro Malabar synod, Chairman of the Commission for Catechism of the Syro Malabar Church, and Chairman of the CBCI commission for laity. He is an author of several articles and books in various languages. He is proficient in Malayalam, Tamil, English and French.

Mar Giwargis has been described as a simple man who even uses public transport to travel. He is well known for his down-to-earth approach that he has even visited all the houses in his diocese!. He is considered as a person with traditional view of the Church. He wears a Sleeva (traditional cross) on his rudraksha seed garnet that reflects the Indian tradition profoundly.

INTERESTING OBSERVATIONS ABOUT THE ELECTION

First in the history- recapturing the Historical autonomy.

This was the first ever election of the Father and Head of Syro Malabar Church after the power of election was given to the synod. All the previous Major Arch Bishops were nominated by the Pope. This is an event marking the full evolution of Syro Malabar Church into sui iuris status claiming its historical autonomy and individuality.

Pontiff who had his formation in Syro Malabar Rite.

This is the very first Major Arch Bishop who had his formation as a Syro Malabar Priest. All the predecessors, even though they were Syro Malabar in origin, were trained and ordained as Latin rite priests and then re-implanted into the Syro Malabar Church. This factor will give a new direction to the church leadership in the light of its history and tradition.

Unity of the Holy Synod.

There were many speculations in the media about the election of the Major Arch Bishop on the grounds of regional and other preferences and it is reported that even one of the Bishops also have responded to these kinds of talks in the printed media and put forward names of a few candidates. ¹³ A group of clergy also released a press notice before the election raising issues with the background of the differences existed in our Church on the way of celebrating the Holy Qurbana.

Under these circumstances, the election process caught wide attention and many were anxious that these may even put the Church in turmoil. But the Holy Synod completed the election process on the first day itself and the required 2/3 majority was obtained on the second round of voting itself, as reported by the Curia Bishop. ¹⁴

Obedient to the Synodal decisions

The elected person was one among the Bishops who fully obeyed the decision of the Holy Synod about the celebration of Holy Qurbana. When the whole church was divided about the way of celebration of Holy Qurbana ad orientum- facing the altar- versus ad populum- facing the people-, the Holy Synod unanimously decided to follow a compromise formula by celebrating the initial prayers ad populum, the anaphora ad orientum and the final prayers ad populum- the so called 50:50 formula¹⁵ Mar Giwargis was one among the few Bishops who fully obeyed and implemented the synodal decision.

Divine influence.

This election process clearly shows the explicit involvement of the Ruha D’ Kudisha in the Church. The election result was surprising that the incumbent was not a prominent candidate as speculated. The Election process was so quick and smooth and the synod was united in selecting a person without any preferences or prejudice. Divine influence is prominent that the members of the Holy Synod were instrumental in the plans of the Ruha D Qudisha, in having the incumbent one of the Bishops who fully obeyed the decisions of the Holy Synod even sacrificing his own views, one who had his formation of clerical life in the Syro Malabar rite itself and in the unity of the Holy Synod in the background of differences about restoration and reformation.

God has shown us the divine intervention here by selecting a Bishop who obeyed the Synodal decision! God is teaching us the greatest lesson of obedience, as Our Lord Isho Mishiha showed us. The Almighty God is giving us a clear message of obedience.

EVOLUTION OF HIERARCHY IN THE CHURCH OF SAINT THOMAS

Thomasine Christianity and East Syrian Church

Thomas Christians in India were part of the East Syrian Church. East Syrian Church is the communion of churches founded by Apostle Thomas. Apart from Indian Church, the other Thomasine Churches are the Church of Fars, Church of Edessa and the Church of Selucia Ctesiphon. The Assyrian Church was one of the very first churches established in Biblical times. Acts of Apostles mentions about the presence of Assyrians on the day of Pentecost. (Acts 2,9) Very ancient syriac writings such as ‘The Doctrine of Addai’, ‘The Chronicles of Arbela’ and ‘The teachings of the twleve Apostles’ mentions that Saint Thomas sent Thaddeus and Mari to preach Abgar Ukkama the Black, the King of Assyrians at Osrhoene.(Edessa)¹⁶

Eusebius, the father of Church history also witnesses in AD 325 that he personally searched the state archives of the Assyrians in the capital city of Edessa and found official records of this Apostolic visit. ¹⁷

It is believed that Apostle Thomas personally founded the Church of Fars and the Church of Malabar and his disciples Mar Addai-Thaddeus and Mar Mari founded the Church of Selucia-Ctesiphon and the Church of Edessa. But Church of Selucia Ctesiphone acquired supremacy as it was the capital of Persian Empire and the Catrholicos Patriarch was based there.

Indian Church was subjected to Church of Fars initially which was a Metropolitan Church. East Syrian Patriarch Isho Yahb III(650-660) elevated the Indian Church also to a Metropolitanate and made equal in status to the Metropolitanate at Fars and thus came directly under the Patriarch.¹⁸ This Metropilitan of India was called Metropolitan and the gate of India.

Metropolitan and Gate of all India ( Metropolitan v-thara d- kollah hendo)-The Throne of Saint Thomas

The Metropolitan of the Church of Saint Thomas was called Metropolitan and gate of All India. The Syriac manuscript written in AD 1301 in Cranganore- the vatican Syriac codex 22- use the title The Metropolitan of India. ‘ …..And in the time of the Bishop Mar Jacob, Metropolitan and director of the Holy see of the Apostle Saint Thomas , that is to say, our director and the director of all the holy church of Christian India…..’¹⁹

Here, the usages- ‘the director of all the holy church of Christian India’- and ‘Metropolitan and director of the Holy see of the Apostle Saint Thomas’ are important, as they denote the concept of the throne of Saint Thomas and a quasi Patriarchal status.

The term Metropolitan and the gate of All India has been reported by many authors including Rev. Paulinus De Bartholomew, Rev Campori S J, and so on.²⁰

Metropolitan of Angamali, the ‘Rabba d Kolhon Apeskope u Metropolite’- Superior of all the Bishops and Metropolitans.

When the second Chaldean Patriarch Mar Abdisho appointed Mar Abraham as the Metropolitan of Angamali, he conferred the title ‘Rabba d Kolhon Apeskope u Metropolite’- Superior of all the Bishops and Metropolitans.²¹ Mar Abdisho in his decree nominating Arch Deacon George of Christ as the Bishop of Palayur and Suffragan to Mar Abraham, seems to have authorised Mar Abraham to assemble all the Metropolitans and Bishops and also to elect and consecrate Bishops.²² By this, the Metropolitan of Angamali was given autonomy and authority over other Prelates.

Patriarch of India- the testimony of Joseph, the Indian

Joseph , the Indian Cathanar’s narrations in AD 1501 before the signoria of venice describe about the Patriarch of India. Joseph was interviewed by the House of Lords of Venice where he explained the hierarchical structure of the Church of Malabar.’They have a Supreme Pontiff called Catholoica, twelve Cardinals, two Patriarchs, Bishops and Arch bishop’s. Joseph also mentioned that he was ordained as a Priest by this Catholica.²³

We can see from the History that Joseph was ordained by Catholicos Simon, the Patriarch of the East, in AD 1490.The famous syriac letter of the three Bishops Mar Yohannan, Mar Yakkob and Mar Denha in AD 1504 to the Patriarch of Babylon testifies this fact.²⁴

Joseph clearly confirms that this Pontiff is called Catholica. The Catholca appoints Patriarchs, one for India and one for China.²⁵

Here, Joseph is clearly stating the hierarchical relations and structure of theChurch of Saint Thomas Christians. Their Supreme Pontiff is the Catholicose at Babylon. Under him twelve cardinals. It is unclear, if this position is called Cardinal exactly, as Cardinal is a title in the Roman Church. There can be misinterpretation of words due to language barrier. We can assume that there was a twelve member council immediately under the Catholoicos. This reminds us about the 12 canonists under Paremmakkal Thomman Cathanaar, the Governor of the Catholic Syrians.²⁶ Joseph is clear about Patriarchs of India and China under the Catholicos.

Special privileges to Metropolitan of India- Quasi-Patriarchal status ?

We have to remember that The Metropolitan of India was given special privileges due to the fact that they are far away from the Patriarchate. Patriarch Theodosius (852-859) stipulated that the Metropolitans of India and China need report to the Patriarch only once in six years rather than every year for the other Metropolitans.²⁷

From this , we can assume that the Metropolitan of India had a certain autonomy and it seems that the Patriarchate considered the Indian Church as a Particular church. Could this special privilege made the Metropolitanate as a Quasy Patriarch ?

If we follow the subsequent history, we can see Mar Ahathalla arrives to Mailappore claiming that he was the Patriarch of India appointed by the Pope.²⁸ Also, Mar Andrews- Kallada Mooppan arrives in AD 1676 claiming that he was the Patriarch appointed by the Pope.²⁹ If Patriarch was not a familiar title, they would not have made such claims as a Patriarch and the faithful would not have accepted them.

CONCLUSION.

The Syro Malabar Church is a Major Archi Episcopal Church. It is unlikely that Patriarchal status will be conferred to Syro Malabar Church in the present circumstances. We have seen that the Syro Malabar Metropolitan had the title of The Metropolitan and the gate of India and the Director of the See of Saint Thomas, which are quasi patriarchal titles with All India jurisdiction. Historically, we can see the Patriarchate of Babylon giving special status to the hierarch of Indian Church to report only once in 6 years, conferring a special privilege and the status of a particular Church. Overall, as Rome has bifurcated the Indian Church from the Patriarchate of Chaldean on political grounds, the hierarch of the Christians of Saint Thomas should also have the same title. On these grounds, we have all the rights to call our Father, the Major Arch Bishop Alencherril Mar Giwargis II Bava , as the Patriarch of Syro Malabar Church on a wider sense.

Picture Courtesy : SMCIM website (http://www.smcim.org)
(Thanks to Dr Joseph Alumkal and Mr Mathew Mailapparampil for valuable suggestions.)

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Author M Thomas Antony can be reached by email at – m dot Thomas dot antony at live.co.uk.
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1. 1. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sui_iurus_chuch, also http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Eastern_Catholic_Churches#cite_note-28, accessed on 18/06/2011
2. 2.Placid Podipara, The Hierarchy of Syro Malabar Church, Ch IV in Collected works of Rev Dr Placid Podipara, vol I San Jose Publications, Mannanam, pp 666-667
3. 3. Joseph Thekkedathu, History of Christianity in India, Vol II p75
4. 4. Joseph Thekkedathu, opus cit pp94-95
5. 5. Joseph Thekkedathu, opus cit pp 91-94
6. 6. Joseph Thekkedathu, pous cit pp96-100
7. 7. Rev Dr Placid Podipara, The Hierarchy of Syro Malabar Church, in Collected works of Rev Dr Placid Podipara CMI, Vol I p 719
8. 8. Leo XIII Quod jam Pridem, 20 May 1887, cited in Marthomma Christianikalude Sabha Noottandukaliloode, (Mal), Rev. Dr Kurian Mathothu, Rev Fr Sebastain Nadackal, Palai, p111
9. 9. Pope Leo XIII, Quale Rei Sacrae, 11 August 1896, cited in Marthomma Christianikalude Sabha Noottandukaliloode, (Mal), Rev. Dr Kurian Mathothu, Rev Fr Sebastain Nadackal, Palai, p114
10. 10. Pope Pius IX, Romanae Pontifices, cited in Marthomma Christianikalude Sabha Noottandukaliloode, (Mal), Rev. Dr Kurian Mathothu, Rev Fr Sebastain Nadackal, Palai, p115
11. 11. Pope JohnPaul II, Quae majoris christi Fidelium, 16 December 1992, cited in Marthomma Christianikalude Sabha Noottandukaliloode, (Mal), Rev. Dr Kurian Mathothu, Rev Fr Sebastain Nadackal, Palai, p126
12. 12.http://www.maralencherry.smcim.org/profile.html
13. 13. www.ibnlive.in.com/generalnewsfeed/news/synod-to-elect-major-archbishop-to-commence-on-may-23/695369.htm
14. 14.http://www.ernakulamarchdiocese.org/admin/cms/docs/n_high/222.pdf; Mar Bosco Puthur, Curia Bishop and administrator of Syro Malabar Church, Mar George Alencherry, the new Syro Malabar Major Arch Bishop, Circular about the election of the Major Arch Bishop.
15. 15,Synodal News Vol 7, nos 1&2 1999, 61, cited by Dr M Kochupurackal, Liturgical development in the syro malabar church, Syro malabar Church since the eastern code, Ed F Elavuthinkal, Mary Matha Publication, Trichur 2003, pp148  
16. 16. Stephen Andrew Missick, Mar Thoma, the Apostolic Foundation of the Assyrian Church and the Christians of Saint Thomas in India, Journal of Assyrian Academic Studies, vol XIVNo 2, 2000, pp35-36 citing Alexander Roberts and James Donaldson, Eds. The Writings of the Fathers down to AD 325: Ante Nicene Fathers vol 8 Peabody, Massachusetts, Hendrickson Publications 1994, p657-672
17. 17.Stephen Andrew Missick, Mar Thoma, the Apostolic Foundation of the Assyrian Church and the Christians of saint Thomas in India, Journal of Assyrian Academic Studies, vol XIVNo 2, 2000, pp35-36
18. 18. A Mingana, The Early spread of Christianity in India, The Bulletin of John Rylands University Library,Vol 10,p 496
19. 19.A Mingana, Early Sperad of Christianity in India,The Bulletin of John Rylands University Library, Vol 10 p 501,
20. 20. Placid Podipara, The Hierarchy of Syro Malabar Church, CH IV, in Collected Works of Rev Dr Placid Podipara, vol I p667 -668 citing Archives Roman of the Society of Jesus., GOA, 65 f 4,
21. 21 Mar Abdisho’s letter to the Arch Bishop of Goa on 24/08/1567. The original in syriac is preserved in ARSI Gallia 95-1, f 197.See fascimile in Documenta Indica vol II p 41. Italian translation in A Rabbath, Documents inedits pour servir a l’histoire du Christianisme en Orient II Paris, Leipzig 1910, pp432-434 cited by Jacob Kollamparampil, Sources on the Hierarchical structure of the Saint Thomas Christian church in the pre diamper period, p 171, in ‘The life and nature of Saint Thomas Christian church in the pre diamper period’, Ed B Puthur, LRC Kochi, 2000
22.  22 Mar Abdisho’s decree dated 25/08/1567. Portuguese translation in ARSI Goa, 1011, f 463, J Wicki, Documenta Indica VII,pp703-705 cited by Jacob Kollamparampil, , Sources on the Hierarchical structure of the Saint Thomas Christian church in the pre diamper period, p 171, in ‘The life and nature of Saint Thomas Christian church in the pre diamper peroiod’, Ed B Puthur, LRC Kochi, 2000
23. 23.Narrations of Joseph, the Indian, Ch 5 Italian, latin and Dutch texts, Antony Vallavanthara, India in 1500 AD pp168-9,231.
24. 24. Alphonse Mingana, Early Spread of Christianity in India, The Bulletin of John Rylands University Library, vol 10 p468, H Hosten, The saint Thomas Christians of Malabar AD 1490-1504, Kerala Society Papers series 5 Ed T K Joseph,pp225-226
25. 25. Narrations of Joseph, the Indian, Ch 5 Italian, latin and Dutch texts, Antony Vallavanthara, India in 1500 AD pp168-9,231.
26. 26. Antony Vallavanthara, India in 1500 AD, foot note 72, p274
27. 27. T P Elias, East Syrian Missions to Asia with special reference to Malabar coast from Sixth century to Sixteenth century AD and its influence on Indian Religions Society and Culture, Doctoral Thesis of Mahatma Gandhi university, Kerala, India, p 292
28. 28. Joseph Thekkedathu, The troubled days of Francis gaecia, pp 51-52
29. 29. Lingerings of Light in the dark land, being researches into the past history and the present condition of the Syrian Church of Malabar, Thomas Whitehouse, p 199

• MS Vatican Syriac 22 & MS Vatican Syriac 17: Syriac Manuscripts copied in South India
• ‘The St. Thomas Christian Encyclopedia of India’- Volume I -Prof. George Menachery
• Sixteenth Century Churches – Churches belonging to Catholics and Syriac Orthodox ( 1818 AD-Statistics)
• ‘The St. Thomas Christian Encyclopaedia of India’- Volume II , Chief Editor Prof.George Menachery
• “The Arrival of the Portuguese in India and the Thomas Christians under Mar Jacob 1498-1552” by Dr. Mathias Mundadan
• Population Statistics and Demography of Saint Thomas Christians, Churches with historical references
• Focus II- History, Munnu Noyambu and Kappalottam – Marth Mariam Church, Kuravilangad

Christianity gained a foothold in Kerala well over 300 years before it succeeded in obtaining official recognition in Europe, or in becoming the established religion of Rome. The respect and toleration shown to this faith, found expression in the fraternal treatment extended to its adherents, who were accorded and retained for themselves an honoured place, in the social and economic life of kerala.

They succeeded in doing this because they were Christian in faith only, but in all else, they were Indian. They were no doubt staunch in their adherence to their faith, and proud of the apostolic origin of their church, but they made no attempt to evangelise, or become a militant body. Their primary concern was to live in harmony and requite the hospitality and toleration shown to them by the Hindu kings and princes. This could only be done by respecting the faith and customs of their rulers.

They were not slow to realise that if they desired to occupy an important place in society, they had necessarily to conform to the pattern and practises governing a caste society. In this perhaps, they can be accused of not having followed the strict tenets of their faith and doctrine, which emphasised the equality of man.

But to this small community striving to achieve importance in the social hierarchy, doctrinal affiliations had to give way to expediency. In this they succeeded completely, by assimilating themselves in the society in which they lived and by adopting the language, dress and habits of their Hindu brethren.

In A.D. 1599, Alexis Menezes, Archbishop of Portuguese Goa, arrived at Cochin on a mission to ‘purify’ the faith and customs of the St. Thomas Christians. This mission culminated with the Synod of Diamper on the 20th of June, 1599 at Udayamperur (in western literature called Diamper). The synod was an assembly of six hundred and forty representatives of churches across Kerala as well as sixty three Nasrani priests under the presidentship of Archbishop Alexei Menezes with the Nasrani Archdeacon Geevarghese in meek attendance.

Dr. Scaria Zacharia in his scholarly work upon “The Acts and Decrees of the Synod of Diamper 1599″ sums up this synod as the first organised attempt to westernise Kerala society as part of Colonisation. The Portuguese colonialists shaped by their history and socio-religious experience tried to impose upon a Church far ancient than their own and pluralistic in outlook, their own imperialistic notions of Christianity and Christianisation. The apostolic church of Kerala was compelled to piggyback western concepts of social and cultural mores as well as embrace the Holy Roman religious dogma.

It has been an oft repeated lament among Kerala’s Syrian Christian community that much of its historical records were destroyed by the Portuguese at the behest of Decree XVI passed in the synod which commanded all books written in Syriac to be delivered up to the Portuguese college at Vapicotta to be corrected or destroyed. However, a paradox here is that the records of the proceedings of the synod as well as it’s decrees give us an excellent insight into our social and religious customs practised in an unadulterated form then.

The Nasrani church in Kerala has existed here for 2000 years now. Barring intermittent contacts with sister churches in the Middle East for the first 1500 years, she developed as an independent church ‘middle eastern in dogma and Hindu by tradition’. This was obviously because the Nasranis had lived among the local population who were primarily followers of the Brahmanical and other Eastern traditions.

Using the decrees of the Synod of Diamper as a reference source, we will look into the past and examine social customs that the Syrian Christians practised then which are quite alien to us today. This article will not venture into religious dogma of the Nasrani community then, which the Synod termed as “Nestorian or Chaldean’ and wanted replaced with the Roman version. However, certain religious beliefs among them with a direct influence from the Brahmanical (Hindu) or Judaical traditions will be examined here. The Hindu faith was termed as ‘Heathen’ all through the Synod and the Hindus called ‘Heathens’.

Session III, Decree IV: Condemns three heathen errors said to be held by the Syrians

‘The Synod being informed that the Christians of this diocese, by reason of the communication they have with infidels, and by living among them, have imbibed, several of their errors and ignorances, namely, three that are the common errors of all infidels if these parts; the first is that there is a transmigration of souls, which after death go either into the bodies of beasts, or of some other men;’ The Hindu religious  system has always incorporated the belief in transmigration or reincarnation. This belief simply put meant that one would be reborn several times until he reached a state of union with the Divine. These births would be in several forms and was dependent solely on one’s conduct in the previous life. If one was a robber in this life he may be born as a mean living being like a dog or a snake in the next life and the conduct of this dog or snake would determine if it would be reborn as a higher being in the next life. Only when one’s conduct in the course of life was blemish free would he attain union with the divine and this cycle of birth and rebirth would end forever. The other Indian traditions like Jainism and Buddhism also adopted this philosophy and merged it to their own lines of thought. However, it is from the Synod papers that we know that the Syrian Christians also believed in this philosophy. The decree further goes on the call this ‘great ignorance’ and says that according to the catholic faith it is taught that our souls after death are carried to heaven or hell or purgatory, according to every one’s merits.

The second is, that all things come necessarily to pass, either through fate or fortune, which they call the nativity of men, who they say, are compelled to be what they are, and that there is no help for it; while Hinduism does not does not actually endorse a pure version of fatalism save for some lines of thought like the ajivakas, an average Hindu does believe in fate. He considered it to be God’s decision made for him exclusively, one that he could not control or overturn. The Syrian Christians also believed in the same. What was predestined to happen would happen.

The third is, that everyone may be saved in his own law; all which are good and lead men to heaven; this ‘heresy’ came as a bolt out of the blue to the Portuguese who obviously believed that only their version of faith could lead one to the Kingdom of heaven. The Nasrani of that time believed like the average Hindu, that different faiths were only different paths to Heaven. It was with this open mind that the Syrian Christians allowed the racially and liturgically separate Portuguese into their churches and partook of the Holy liturgy with them, little knowing that all this would later be held against them.

Session III, Decree XII: Permits children to be taught by a heathen school master, if not required to conform to his idolatries – this is positively forbidden

This decree noted that it is contrary to the sacred canons that Christian children should go to heathen masters schools run by heathen masters; nevertheless seeing that the church was under so many heathen kings it allowed Syrian Christian parents to send their children to such schools where the heathen masters would not force their wards to pay reverence to their Gods or to participate in any heathen ceremony. The decree also recommended to all towns and villages where there were Christian families but no Christian teachers to have their children educated by the parish priests.

A reading of this decree suggests that Syrian Christian children then, freely went to schools run by non-Christian teachers and obviously like their other non-Christian classmates there also partook in the Hindu ceremonies held in the schools of those days which could have been rituals like Guruvandana and paying obeisance to the Goddess of learning, Saraswati. In fact even to this today, the majority of Syrian Christian families observe the Vidyarambham ritual for their children, an initiation into education when the child is old enough to learn to read and write,  a ritual that is strictly non-Christian in origin. The Portuguese would have been alarmed at these customs and insisted on this decree to try to cleanse these customs and rituals.

Session III, Decree XIII: Christian schoolmasters forbidden to set up Idols in their schools for their heathen scholars

This is a very interesting decree that says that the Synod is informed that there are some Christian schoolmasters who to conform themselves to theirs and to attract new pupils, set up ‘pagodas’ and idols in their schools to which the heathen children pay obeisance, and these schoolmasters are instructed to removes these pagodas, idols and reverences out of their schools upon pain of excommunication from the church.

So, it was not only Christian children, who would study under Hindu schoolmasters, the reverse was also a social reality then. And the Syrian Christian community had no objection to these Hindu children worshipping their own Gods in our schools.

Session III, Decree XIV: Condemns many Syrian books, forbids all Christians to read them, and commands that they be destroyed

This decree condemned and ordered to be burnt several Syriac books, all of which are out of the purview of this particular article, however one particular Indian book is mentioned – ‘Parisman’. This is the ‘Prashnam’ that is still today in Kerala a method of astrology where one can put questions to the astrologer who consults this book and answers his queries. These queries, as the decree noted were on how to do mischief to ones enemies, how to gain women, how to protect oneself from sorcery, exorcism for casting out devils and several more.

There is no doubt left in our minds that the Syrian Christians of those days had no qualms in consulting astrologers over their day to day and unusual problems just like their Hindu brothers and sisters.

Session IV, Decree III: Those whose baptism had been neglected ordered to be baptized without fee

This decree admonishes the Syrian Christians many of whom were not formally baptised because of their distance from the churches as well as their inability to pay the priests who were to baptise them, to undergo baptism with immediate effect. Many of the Syrian Christians of that time who were not baptized yet, the decree says, also received the Holy Sacraments as all the others who had actually been. So we see that the rigidity of tradition that would later creep into our society was not there then.

Session IV, Decree IX: Children of infidel slaves to be baptized, and the slaves to be instructed and exhorted to receive baptism

The synod exhorted all Christians who kept slaves to baptize them as well as their children and to instruct them in the Christian faith. The keeping of slaves was prevalent in Kerala society and the Syrian Christians had no moral compulsions against this custom.

The Tarisapally copper plates show several privileges granted to the community by the Venadu king, Ayyanadigal in 880 A.D. and among them was a grant of four women of the Ilava caste together with their eight children and one family of the washer man group, to the church for menial services.  This copper plate has a sentence about the slave tax : “A tax of 8 kasu can be collected from vehicles, but slave tax shall not be imposed upon the slaves bought by the church”. The Iravi Kortan plates of 1320 A.D. also made five artisan castes subservient to the Syrian Christians. From this decree we learn that slavery as an institution survived till that day.

Session IV, Decree X: Baptized slaves not to be sold to infidels

This decree asked all Syrian Christians not to sell any slave whether baptized or not to any non-Christian namely Muslim, Jew or Heathen. The decree also tells us that not only Christian laymen purchased slaves those days, but even vicars and church-wardens could buy slaves. However the decree quite practically, allowed Syrian Christians to sell slaves to other fellow community members.

Session IV, Decree XI: Commands Christians to rescue and cherish the children of heathen exposed by their parents

The decree noted that the heathen of the land have a custom of abandoning their newborns if they are born on unlucky days and on account of such auguries and superstitions. Syrian Christians are exhorted to adopt and baptize such children. This means that Syrian Christian families resisted adopting Non-Syrian children.

Session IV, Decree XIII: Converts to be instructed and baptized

This decree desires that the Syrian Christians actively convert all in their midst from heathenism to Christianity. A very interesting note in this decree goes like this: “…and whereas the Synod is informed, that great numbers of infidels living among Christians, have long desired baptism of them, but through the coldness of priests and others, have had none that would be at the pains to instruct them….”

This note suggests that Syrian Christianity had by then and perhaps since almost a millennia prior to that stopped accepting converts from near and around them. In the light of this observation, we are not very sure as to how earlier decrees – IX, X and XI would have been followed to the word.

Session IV, Decree XV: Sponsors to be used

The decree commands all that are baptized to have one or two Godfathers and Godmothers to present them in the church and to touch them on the head before baptism, and to receive them from the holy font.  The decree also notes that this custom of a baptized child having a Godfather or Godmother was not in use in the Syrian church in Kerala.

Session IV, Decree XVI: Old Testament names to be discontinued and those of the new testament given

This decree commanded to Syrian Christians to give up their Old Testament names as well as names that they shared in common with the heathens and take on New Testament names. An interesting note here is that the decree specifically asked the Syrians to stop using the name ‘Hijo’ which probably was ‘Easho’ or Jesus, as a name which the decree said was very common among them. The name of Jesus was very holy and not to be used by the likes of men. However, Old Testament names are most commonplace among the Syrian Christian community even today but very interestingly, the use of Jesus as a name seem to have disappeared. Another important learning from this decree is that even then as in these days, Syrian Christians shared names in common with the Hindus in their midst.

Session IV, Decree XVII: Children to be called only by the name received at baptism

This decree asked the Syrian Christians to ensure that the names that their children were given at baptism were the same with which they were addressed. We see that most Syrian Christians have not heeded this decree till today.

Session V, Decree II: All above the age of fourteen to take the sacrament at least once a year

The Syrian Christians would confess and partake of the Eucharist at times of their choosing but Menezes exhorted them to take the sacrament compulsorily at least once a year. It went further to advise the vicars to instruct their parishioners to do it oftener, namely at Christmas and Whitsuntide, and the assumption of our lady, giving warning thereof on the Sunday before. Partaking of the holy blood and flesh of Christ was not mandatory for the Syrian Christians.

 Session V, Decree IX.IV: The Roman mass to be translated into Syriac

The decree notes that the since the Syrian Mass is too long for the clergy to celebrate daily, the Roman Mass may be translated into Syriac and read in the Churches. There is no mention of masses being said in Malayalam prior to the Synod and even later conforming to the decrees.

Session V, Decree IX.VI: The stole to be worn only by Deacons

The decree noted that the ‘chamazes’ probably the ‘kappiars’ among the Syrian Christians also wore the same ceremonial garment as the officiating priest and henceforth was prohibited from doing so. Only the deacon would henceforth be allowed to wear the stole. This may have been in part because the Nasranis at that period did not have enough priests to take care of communities who were spread all along the length of Central and Southern Kerala.

Session V, Decree IX.XI: Ecclesiastical vestments to be provided

This decree noted that my Nasrani church deacons did not wear the ceremonial robes at all as they may be too poor to afford the robes and requests the Metropolitan to provide all the churches holy vestments.

Session V, Decree IX.XII: All persons commanded to attend mass constantly if not impracticable

The decree says that not attending Mass is a mortal sin and exhorts all Syrian Christian families to attend Mass every Sunday and other Holy days, whenever a church be near them. So, not all Christians were regular church goers then as in today’s times.

Session V, Decree IX.XIV: Forbids heathen musicians and other pagans to remain in church when the sacrament is administered

This is a very interesting decree that prohibits all heathen musicians who play in the church on holy festivals from entering the churches. The decree also maintains that no non Christian should be allowed in the Church or even near the doors or windows of the Church at the time of the holy sacrifice. So, prior to the Synod the Syrian Christians were very flexible on allowing anyone inside their holy places irrespective of their faith.

 Session VI, Decree I: The sacrament of confession, the neglect of which declared a mortal sin

The decree stresses upon the sacrament of confession and exhorts the Syrians to confess their sins regularly noting that many among them had never confessed in their lives at all.

Session VII, Decree I: Describes the age and the circumstances of persons to be ordained

The decree mandates that henceforth no priest should be ordained till he is at least 25 years of age, no deacon ordained till he is at least 23 years old and no sub deacon under 22 years of age should be ordained. All priests ordained are to have a knowledge of either Latin or Syriac compulsorily. Prior to the synod, most priests only had a flexible understanding of the Syriac language.

Session VII, Decree II: Those simonically ordained are absolved

This decree put an end to a old custom in our church that also existed in European churches at least till the reformation of priests paying their way into priesthood. Syrian Christian families with Priests from among them had great prestige attached to them and simony was the order of the day then.

Session VII, Decree III: No leprous priest to officiate

The synod was informed that several priests in the church were leprous and miserably deformed who on account of their corporeal defect gave great disgust to their parishioners. The decree commanded all such priests to stop celebrating the Holy Mass.

Session VII, Decree IV: Priests forbidden to bless who are not in charity with their neighbour

The decree observed that several parishioners in churches would not speak with other worshippers whom they had some enemity with and directed the priests not to bless such persons till they be reconciled with their fellow parishioners. Such disputes still rampant today, were not rare even in those days.

Session VII, Decree VII: The clergy to be punctual in their attendance and devout in their deportment at church

This decree commanded to clergy to be present in their parishes during Holy Mass and Holy days and not divert themselves or talk with others as the decree says has been the custom.

Session VII, Decree IX: Forbids all exorcism but those of Rome

The synod was informed that a great number of clergymen indulged in superstitious and heathen exorcisms for casting out devils and were commanded to use no exorcism other than that of the Holy Roman church. Our church history is replete with famous priests who would exorcise evil spirits from those amongst them.

Session VII, Decree X: Forbids heathen superstitions relating to propitious and unpropitious days for marriages

The decree commanded clergymen to desist from giving propitious days for marriage to their Christian parishioners and also desist from keeping a list of holy and unholy days with them as the heathen did. The decree also sheds light on some clergymen who actually ‘made schemes after the manner of astrologers’ that means, several priests were adept at astrology personally.

Session VII, Decree XI: Priests are to be temperate and sober and not to eat with any but Christians, nor in a public house

The decree exhorted the priests to be an example to their people, curtail their eating and drinking and very strangely prohibited them from eating with ‘Mahometans, Jews and heathens’  as they were wont to do.

Session VII, Decree XIII: The clergy not to engage in secular business

This decree observed that very few priests among the Syrian Christians dedicated themselves particularly to the service of God and the divine worship and most engaged in ‘merchandise’, that is individual businesses of their own. Such erring priests were asked to renounce those businesses with a month.

Session VII, Decree XV: No ecclesiastic to receive pay for Military service

The decree prohibited Syrian Christian priests, deacons and cattanars from taking to the field as soldiers and fighting for their respective kings. It is well known that the Syrians made excellent soldiers and were given the right to carry the ‘curved sword’ way back in the Iravi Cortan copper plates in the 9^th Century A.D.

Session VII, Decree XVI: Ecclesiastics forbidden to marry

All clergy were commanded to stay unmarried or if married as the majority were to put away their wives. This decree was not followed to the last letter for obvious reasons and contemporary accounts speak of women being split from their husbands and forced to stay separate so that their husbands may not lose their place at Church. However the decree mentioned that an allowance would be paid to all such wives for the maintenance of themselves and their children.

Session VIII, Decree III: That banns of marriage be published

This decree commanded the practise of all forthcoming marriages to be announced prior to the marriages themselves in the Churches of both the bride and the groom.

Session VII, Decree IV: That marriage registers be entered and kept with care

The synod commanded every parish to maintain a marriage register with all details of the marriage noted therein.

Session VII, Decree V:-None to be married out of church without special reason

The synod prohibited priests marrying couples outside of churches only in the presence of two witnesses and commanded that all marriages should take place inside churches.

Session VII, Decree X: At what age parties may be married

The synod fixes the minimum age of marriage for men to be 14 and that of women to be 12 while noting that no such age restriction had applied to the Syrians till now in matrimony.

Session VII, Decree XIII: Forbids polygamy

The decree noted that several of the Christians from the ‘mountains’ have been married to several women in the face of the church and henceforth forbids polygamy.

Session VII, Decree XIV: Forbids all heathen practices to insure success in marriage

The decree forbids Christians from going to heathen priests as well as their own to learn of the most propitious time for marriage and other wedding rituals.

Session VII, Decree XVI: Condemns a Judaical ceremony adopted by some Syrians at their marriage

The synod condemned the practise of some Syrian Christians of following the Jewish custom of newly married couples not entering a church till after the fourth day of marriage when they wash themselves. The couple are told that not attending church on any holy day is a mortal sin and washing does not in any way contribute to their spiritual health.

Session VIII, Decree XIII: Heathenish ablutions condemned

The synod condemned several heathenish customs observed by the Syrians like not washing themselves in the mornings on fast days, washing themselves every time after they touched a ‘base race’.

Session VIII, Decree XXXI: The sick forbidden to lie in the church

The decree forbid the Christians from bringing their sick to lie in the church in the hope that they would be cured of their afflictions by doing so.

Session VIII, Decree XXXVII: All to be taught to cross themselves from left to right

The decree desires that the ‘Church of the Serra’, should in all things be conformable to the Latin customs, or Holy Mother church of Rome, and asks all the Syrians to make the sign of the Cross from the Left to the Right and not vice-versa as they are accustomed to make now, in the Eastern fashion.

Session IX, Decree II: Explains in what cases Christians may touch heathen and inferiors

This decree is important because it admits that the Christians by reason of their being subject to infidel princes cannot touch those of the ‘baser rank’ asks them in places where they are not subject to strict social mores, to do away with this superstition and associate freely with all of the lower castes.

Session IX, Decree IV: Forbids attendance on heathen festivities

This decree notes that Christians like other heathen go out on the day of Onam, in August, against another with bows and arrows and other arms, in which conflicts some are killed and wounded. It urges the Christians to only observe their own festivals and not festivals of the heathens which it says is devoted to the honour of the devil.

Session IX, Decree X: Against extortion

The decree criticises the lending of money for interest among the Christians and exhorts them from doing so and asks their vicars to regulate the same among the community.

Session IX, Decree XVII: Christians to be distinguished from heathen by their dress &c.

The decree notes that the Syrians cannot be distinguished from their heathen neighbours by appearance and dress and asks them to dress differently from the heathen and not bore their ears like them.

These are the decrees of the Synod of Diamper that give us a glimpse of Syrian Christian life in Kerala towards the end of the 16^th C. A.D. and let us enumerate the final observations here:

a)      We held the Hindu philosophies of transmigration of souls and that of fate dear to our hearts.

b)      We believed that different faiths and religious observances were but different ways of reaching the same God.

c)      Our Children studied in Hindu schools and children of other faiths studied in our schools too.

d)     We did not baptise our slaves into our faith.

e)      During baptism our children did not have Godfathers or Godmothers.

f)       Children were even then called by names other than the ones given during baptism.

g)      All mass was conducted in Syriac.

h)      All priests did not wear ceremonial garments.

i)        Hindu musicians played in churches during church festivals.

j)        Priests would buy themselves into priesthood.

k)      Exorcism was commonly practised among us.

l)        We used astrology to determine our days of marriage.

m)    Our priests would eat with all of other faiths.

n)      Our priests engaged in all secular business outside of their religious duties.

0)      Many of our priests also served as soldiers in armies of the different local royalty.

p)      Marriages were not well documented then with banns being published and registers maintained.

q)      Polygamy was prevalent among many of the community then.

r)       Jewish Customs of not entering church till after the fourth day of the marriage was followed.

s)       We crossed ourselves from the right to the left in the Eastern fashion.

t)       We enjoyed ourselves on Onam, much to the dismay of the Portuguese.

u)      We were indistinguishable in dress and appearance from the heathens.

Today with the passage of time many of these common features in our plural tradition are forgotten and the decrees of the Diamper Synod are a mirror into that past.

References:

1)      The Syrian Christians of Kerala, S.G. Pothen

2)      Kerala History and it’s makers, A. Sreedhara Menon

3)      The Acts and Decrees of the Synod of Diamper 1599, Dr. Scaria Zacharia

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Author Nidhin Olikara can be reached at:     olikara at gmail.com

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• ‘The Syrian Christians of Kerala, Demographic and Socio-Economic Transition In The Twentieth Century’ by K. C. Zachariah
• Some of the traditions and rituals among the Syrian Christians of Kerala
• Margam Kali – History, Theme, Early References and Modern Developments
• Focus I- Ramapuram twin churches, Role, History & Rituals
• ‘The St. Thomas Christian Encyclopaedia of India’- Volume II , Chief Editor Prof.George Menachery
• Names, Middle Names and Last Names among the Syrian Christians
• Palm Sunday ( Kuruthola Perunnal), Maundy Thursday( Pesaha), Good Friday (Dukha Velli) and Easter among Saint Thomas Christians of India